A. LEVER 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 




Mount Parnassus. 



CHAPTER I. 

GEOGRAPHY OF GREECE. 

Greece is the southern portion of a great peninsula of Europe, 
washed on three sides by the Mediterranean Sea. It is bounded 
on the north by the Cambunian mountains, which separate it 
from Macedonia. It extends from the fortieth degree of latitude 
to the thirty-sixth, its greatest length being not more than 250 
English miles, and its greatest breadth only 180. Its surface is 
considerably less than that of Portugal. This small area was 
divided among a number of independent states, many of them con- 
taining a territory of only a few square miles, and none of them 
larger than an English county. But the heroism and genius of the 
Greeks have given an interest to the insignificant spot of earth 
bearing their name, which the vastest empires have never equalled. 
The name of Greece was not used by the inhabitants of the 

B 



2 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Ckap. L 



country. They called their land Hellas, and themselves Hellenes. 
At first the word Hellas signified only a small district in Thessaly, 
from which the Hellenes gradually spread oyer the whole country. 
The names of Greece and Greeks come to us from the Eomans, who 
gaye the name of Grsecia to the country and of Grseci to the 
inhabitants. 

The two northerly provinces of Greece are Thessaly and Epirus, 
separated from each other by Mount Pindus. Thessaly is a fertile 
plain enclosed by lofty mountains, and drained by the river Peneus, 
which finds its way into the sea through the celebrated Vale of 
Tempe. Epirus is covered by rugged ranges of mountains running 
from north to south, through which the Achelous, the largest river 
of Greece, flows towards the Corinthian gulf. 

In entering central Greece from Thessaly the road runs along 
the coast through the narrow pass of Thermopylae, between the 
sea and a lofty range of mountains. The district along the coast 
was inhabited by the eastern Locrians, while to their west were 
Doris and Phocis, the greater part of the latter being occupied 
by Mount Parnassus, the abode of the Muses, upon the slopes of which 
lay the town of Delphi, with its celebrated oracle of Apollo. South 
of Phocis is Boeotia, which is a large hollow basin, enclosed on every 
side by mountains, which prevent the waters from flowing into the 
sea. Hence the atmosphere was damp and thick, to which circum- 
stance the witty Athenians attributed the dulness of the inhabitants. 
Thebes was the chief city of Bceotia. South of Bceotia lies Attica, 
which is in the form of a triangle, having two of its sides washed 
by the sea and its base united to the land. Its soil is light and dry, 
and is' better adapted for the growth of fruit than of corn. It 
was particularly celebrated for its olives, which were regarded as 
the gift of Athena (Minerva), and were always under the care of 
that goddess. Athens was on the western coast, between four and 
five miles from its port, Piraeus. West of Attica, towards the 
isthmus, is the small district of Megaris. 

The western half of central Greece consists of western Locris, 
JEtolia, and Acarhania. These districts were less civilised than 
the other countries of GreeGe, and were the haunts of rude robber 
tribes even as late as the Peloponnesian war. 

Central Greece is connected with the southern peninsula by a 
narrow isthmus, on which stood the city of Corinth. So narrow is 
this isthmus that the ancients regarded the peninsula as an island, 
and gave to it the name of Peloponnesus, or the island of Pelops, 
from the mythical hero of this name. Its modern name, the Morea, 
was bestowed upon it from its resemblance to the leaf of the 
mulberry. 



Chap. I. 



MOUNTAINS AND RIVERS. 



The mountains of Peloponnesus have their roots in the centre of 
the country, from which they branch out towards the sea. This 
central region, called Arcadia, is the Switzerland of the peninsula. 
It is surrounded by a ring of mountains, forming a kind of natural 
wall, which separates it from the remaining Peloponnesian states. 
The other chief divisions of Peloponnesus were Achaia, Argolis, La- 
conia, Messenia, and Elis. Achaia is a narrow slip of country lying 
between the northern barrier of Arcadia and the Corinthian gulf. 
Argolis, on the east, contained several independent states, of which 
the most important was Argos. Laconia and Messenia occupied 
the whole of the south of the peninsula from sea to sea : these two 
countries were separated by the lofty range of Taygetus, running from 
north to south, and terminating in the promontory of Tsenarum 
(now Cape Matapan), the southernmost point of Greece and Europe. 
Sparta, the chief town of Laconia, stood in the valley of the 
Eurotas, which opens out into a plain of considerable extent 
towards the Laconian gulf. Messenia, in like manner, was drained 
by the Pamisus, whose plain is still more extensive and fertile than 
that of the Eurotas. Elis, on the west of Arcadia, contains the 
memorable plain of Olympia, through which the Alpheus flows, and 
in which the city of Pisa stood. 

Of the numerous islands which line the Grecian shores, the most 
important was Euboea, stretching along the coasts of Boeotia and 
Attica. South of Eubcea was the group of islands called the 
Cyclades, lying around Delos as a centre ; and east of these were 
the Sporades, near the Asiatic coast. South of these groups are 
the large islands of Crete and Bhodes. 

The physical features of the country exercised an important 
influence upon the political destinies of the people. Greece is one 
of the most mountainous countries of Europe. Its surface is 
occupied by a number of small plains, either entirely surrounded by 
limestone mountains or open only to the sea. Each of the prin- 
cipal Grecian cities was founded in one of these small plains ; and, 
as the mountains which separated it from its neighbours were lofty 
and rugged, each city grew up in solitary independence. But at the 
same time it had ready and easy access to the sea, and Arcadia was 
almost the only political division that did not possess some territory 
upon the coast. Thus shut out from their neighbours by moun- 
tains, the Greeks were naturally attracted to the sea, and became a 
maritime people. Hence they possessed the love of freedom and 
the spirit of adventure, which have always characterized, more or 
less, the inhabitants of maritime districts. 



b 2 




Athena (Minerva) superintending the building of the Argo. 



CHAPTEE II. 

ORIGIN OF THE GREEKS AXD THE HEROIC AGE. 

Xo nation possesses a history till events are recorded in written 
documents ; and it was not till the epoch known by the name of the 
First Olympiad, corresponding to the year 776 B.C., that the Greeks 
began to employ writing as a means for perpetuating the memory 
of any historical facts. Before that - period everything is vague 
and uncertain ; and the exploits of the heroes related by the poets 
must not be regarded as historical facts. 

The Pelasgians are universally represented as the most ancient 
inhabitants of Greece. They were spread over the Italian as 
well as the Grecian peninsula ; and the Pelasgic language thus 
formed the basis of the Latin as well as of the Greek. They were 
divided into several tribes, of which the Hellenes were probably 
one : at any rate, this people, who originally dwelt in the south of 
Tliessaly. gradually spread over the rest of Greece. The Pelasgians 
disappeared before them, or were incorporated with them, and their 
dialect became the language of Greece. The Hellenes considered 
themselves the descendants of one common ancestor, Hellen, the 
son of Deucalion and Pyrrha. To Hellen were ascribed three sons, 
Dorus, Xuthus. and JEolus. Of these Dorus and iEolus gave their 



Chap. II. 



CECROPS AND CADMUS. 



5 



names to the Dorians and Molians ; and Xutlius, through his two 
sons, Ion and Achseus, became the forefather of the Ionians and 
Achceans. Thus the Greeks accounted for the origin of the four 
great divisions of their race. The descent of the Hellenes from 
la common ancestor, Hellen, was a fundamental article in the 
popular faith. It was a general practice in antiquity to invent 
fictitious persons for the purpose of explaining names of which the 
origin was buried in obscurity. It was in this way that Hellen and 
his sons came into being ; but though they never had any real 
existence, the tales about them may be regarded as the traditional 
history of the races to whom they gave their names. 

The civilization of the Greeks and the development of their 
language bear all the marks of home growth, and probably were 
little affected by foreign influence. The traditions, however, of the 
Greeks would point to a contrary conclusion. It was a general 
belief among them that the Pelasgians were reclaimed from 
barbarism by Oriental strangers, who settled in the country and 
introduced among the rude inhabitants the first elements of civi- 
lization. Attica is said to have been indebted for the arts of 
civilized life to Cecrops, a native of Sais in Egypt. To him is 
ascribed the foundation of the city of Athens, the institution of 
marriage, and the introduction of religious rites and ceremonies. 
Argos, in like manner, is said to have been founded by the Egyptian 
Danaus, who fled to Greece with his fifty daughters, to escape from 
the persecution of their suitors, the fifty sons of his brother 
iEgyptus. The Egyptian stranger was elected king by the natives, 
and from him the tribe of the Danai derived their name, which 
Homer frequently uses as a general appellation for the Greeks. 
Another colony was the one led from Asia by Pelops, from whom 
the southern peninsula of Greece derived its name of Peloponnesus. 
Pelops is represented as a Phrygian, and the son of the wealthy 
king Tantalus. He became king of Mycenae, and the founder of a 
powerful dynasty, one of the most renowned in the Heroic age of 
Greece. From him was descended Agamemnon, who led the 
Grecian host against Troy. 

The tale of the Phoenician colony, conducted by Cadmus, and 
which founded Thebes in Boeotia, rests upon a different basis. Whe- 
ther there was such a person as the Phoenician Cadmus, and whether 
he built the town called Cadinea, which afterwards became the cita- 
del of Thebes, as the ancient legends relate, cannot be determined ; 
but it is certain that the Greeks were indebted to the Phoenicians 
for the art of writing ; for both the names and the forms of the 
letters in the Greek alphabet are evidently derived from the 
Phoenician. With this exception the Oriental strangers left no 



6 



HISTORY OF 'GREECE. 



Chap. II. 



permanent traces of their settlements in Greece ; and the population 
of the country continued to be essentially Grecian, uncontanrinated 
by any foreign elements. 

The age of the heroes, from the first appearance of the Hellenes 
in Thessaly to the return of the Greeks from Troy, was supposed to 
be a period of about two hundred years. These heroes were 
believed to be a noble race of beings, possessing a superhuman 
though not a divine nature, and superior to ordinary men in strength 
of body and greatness of soul. 

Among the heroes three stand conspicuously forth : Hercules, the 
national hero of Greece ; Theseus, the hero of Attica ; and Minos, 
king of Crete, the principal founder of Grecian law and civilization. 

Hercules was the son of Zeus (Jupiter) and Alcmena ; but the 
jealous anger of Hera (Juno) raised up against him an opponent 
and a master in the person of Eurystheus, at whose bidding the 
greatest of all heroes was to achieve those wonderful labours which 
filled the whole world with his fame. In these are realized, on 
a magnificent scale, the two great objects of ancient heroism, the 
destruction of physical and moral evil, and the acquisition of wealth 
and power. Such, for instance, are the labours in which he 
destroys the terrible Nemean Hon and Lernean hydra, carries 
off the girdle of Ares from Hippolyte, queen of the Amazons, 
and seizes the golden apples of the Hesperides, guarded by a 
hundred-headed dragon. 

Theseus was a son of JEgeus, king of Athens, and of iEthra, 
daughter of Pittheus, king of Trcezen. Among his many memo- 
rable achievements the most famous was his deliverance of Athens 
from the frightful tribute imposed upon it by Minos for the murder 
of his son. This consisted of seven youths and seven maidens 
whom the Athenians were compelled to send every nine years to 
Crete, there to be devoured by the Minotaur, a monster with a 
human body and a bull's head, which Minos kept concealed in 
an inextricable labyrinth. The third ship was already on the point 
of sailing with its cargo of innocent victims, when Theseus offered 
to go with them, hoping to put an end for ever to the horrible 
tribute. Ariadne, the daughter of Minos, became enamoured of 
the hero, and having supplied him with a clue to trace the windings 
of the labyrinth, Theseus succeeded in killing the monster, 
and in tracking his way out of the mazy lair. Theseus, on his 
return, became king of Attica, and proceeded to lay the founda- 
tions of the future greatness of the country. He united into one 
political body the twelve independent states into which Cecrops 
had divided Attica, and made Athens the capital of the new king- 
dom. He then divided the citizens into three classes, namely. 



Chap. II. 



THE ARGONAUTS. 



7 



Eupatridze, or nobles ; Geomori, or husbandmen ; and Demiurgi, or 
artisans. 

Minos, king of Crete, whose history is connected with that of 
Theseus, appears, like him, the representative of an historical and 
civil state of life. Minos is said to have received the laws of Crete 
immediately from Zeus ; and traditions uniformly present him 
as king of the sea. Possessing a numerous fleet, he reduced the 
surrounding islands, especially the Cyclades, under his dominion s 
and cleared the sea of pirates. 

The voyage of the Argonauts and the Trojan war were the 
most memorable enterprises undertaken by collective bodies of 
heroes. 

The Argonauts derived their name from the Argo, a ship built 
for the adventurers by Jason, under the superintendence of Athena 
(Minerva). They embarked in the harbour of lolcus in Thessaly 
for the purpose of obtaining the golden fleece which was preserved 
in Msl in Colchis, on the eastern shores of the Black Sea, under the 
guardianship of a sleepless dragon. The most renowned heroes of 
the age took part in the expedition. Among them were Hercules 
and Theseus, as well as the principal leaders in the Trojan war ; 
but Jason is the central figure and the real hero of the enterprise. 
Upon arriving at vEa, after many adventures, king iEetes promised 
to deliver to Jason the golden fleece, provided he yoked two fire- 
breathing oxen with brazen feet, and performed other wonderful 
deeds. Here, also, as in the legend of Theseus, love played a pro- 
minent part. Medea, the daughter of iEetes, who was skilled in 
magic and supernatural arts, furnished Jason with the means of 
accomplishing the labours imposed upon him ; and as her father 
still delayed to surrender the fleece, she cast the dragon asleep 
during the night, seized the fleece, and sailed away in the Argo 
with her beloved Jason. 

The Trojan war was the greatest of all the heroic achievements. 
It formed the subject of innumerable epic poems, and has been 
immortalised by the genius of Homer. Paris, son of Priam, king of 
Troy, abused the hospitality of Menelaus, king of Sparta, by 
carrying off his wife Helen, the most beautiful woman of the age. 
All the Grecian princes looked upon the outrage as one committed 
against themselves. Responding to the call of Menelaus, they 
assembled in arms, elected his brother Agamemnon, king of 
Mycenae, leader of the expedition, and sailed across the -ZEgean 
in nearly 1200 ships to recover the faithless fair one. Several 
of the confederate heroes excelled Agamemnon in fame. Among 
them Achilles, chief of the Thessalian Myrmidons, stood pre- 
eminent in strength, beauty, and valour ; whilst Ulysses, king of 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. II. 



Ithaca, surpassed ail the rest in the mental qualities of counsel and 
eloquence. Among the Trojans, Hector, one of the sons of Priam, 
was most distinguished for heroic qualities, and formed a striking 
contrast to his handsome but effeminate brother Paris. Next to 
Hector in valour stood -ZEneas, son of Anchises and Aphrodite 
(Venus). Even the gods took part in the contest, encouraging 
their favourite heroes, and sometimes fighting by their side or in 
their stead. 

It was not till the tenth year of the war that Troy yielded to the 
inevitable decree of fate ; and it is this year which forms the 
subject of the Iliad. Achilles, offended by Agamemnon, abstains 
from the war ; and in his absence the Greeks are no match for 
Hector. The Trojans drive them back into their camp, and are 
already setting fire to their ships, when Achilles gives his armour 
to his friend Patroclus, and allows him to charge at the head of the 
Myrmidons. Patroclus repulses the Trojans from the ships, but the 
god Apollo is against him, and he falls under the spear of Hector. 
Desire to avenge the death of his friend proves more powerful in 
the breast of Achilles than anger against Agamemnon. He appears 
again in the field in new and gorgeous armour, forged for him 
by the god Hephaestus (Vulcan) at the prayer of Thetis. The 
Trojans fly before him, and, although Achilles is aware that his own 
death must speedily follow that of the Trojan hero, he slays Hector 
in single combat. 

The Iliad closes with the burial of Hector. The death of 
Achilles and the capture of Troy were related in later poems. The 
hero of so many achievements perishes by an arrow shot by the 
unwarlike Paris, but directed by the hand of Apollo. The noblest 
combatants had now fallen on either side, and force of arms had 
proved unable to accomplish what stratagem at length effects. It 
is Ulysses who now steps into the foreground and becomes the real 
conqueror of Troy. By his advice a wooden horse is built, in 
whose inside he and other heroes conceal themselves. The infatu- 
ated Trojans admit the horse within their walls. In the dead 
of night the Greeks rush out and open the gates to their comrades. 
Troy is delivered over to the sword, and its glory sinks in ashes. 
The fall of Troy is placed in the year 1184 b.c. 

The return of the Grecian leaders from Troy forms another series 
of poetical legends. Several meet with tragical ends. Agamemnon 
is murdered, on his arrival at Mycenae, by his wife Clytaemnestra 
and her paramour JEgisthus. But of these wanderings the most 
celebrated and interesting are those of Ulysses, which form the 
subject of the Odyssey. After twenty years' absence he arrives 
at length in Ithaca, where he slays the numerous suitors who 



Chap. II. 



SOCIETY OF THE HEROIC AGE. 



9 



devoured his substance and contended for the hand of his wife 
Penelope. 

The Homeric poems must not be regarded as a record of his- 
torical persons and events, but, at the same time, they present a 
valuable picture of the institutions and manners of the earliest 
known state of Grecian society. 

In the Heroic age Greece was already divided into a number 
of independent states, each governed by its own king. The 
authority of the king was not limited by any laws ; his power 
resembled that of the patriarchs in the Old Testament ; and for the 
exercise of it he was responsible only to Zeus, and not to his people. 
But though the king was not restrained in the exercise of his power 
by any positive laws, his authority was practically limited by the 
Boule, or council of chiefs, and the Agora, or general assembly 
of freemen. These two bodies, of little account in the Heroic 
age, became in the Republican age the sole depositories of political 
power. 

The Greeks in the Heroic age were divided into the three classes 
of nobles, common freemen, and slaves. The nobles were raised 
far above the rest of the community in honour, power, and wealth. 
They were distinguished by their warlike prowess, their large 
estates, and their numerous slaves. The condition of the general 
mass of freemen is rarely mentioned. They possessed portions 
of land as their own property, which they cultivated themselves ; 
but there was another class of poor freemen, called Thetes, who 
had no land of their own, and who worked for hire on the estates 
of others. Slavery was not so prevalent in the Heroic age as at a 
later time, and appears in a less odious aspect. The nobles alone 
possessed slaves, and they treated them with a degree of kindness 
which frequently secured for the masters their affectionate attach- 
ment. 

Society was marked by simplicity of manners. The kings and 
nobles did not consider it derogatory to their dignity to acquire skill 
in the manual arts. Ulysses is represented as building his own bed- 
chamber and constructing his own raft, and he boasts of being 
an excellent mower and ploughman. Like Esau, who made savoury 
meat for his father Isaac, the Heroic chiefs prepared their own 
meals and prided themselves on their skill in cookery. Kings and 
private persons partook of the same food, which was of the simplest 
kind. Beef, mutton, and goat's flesh were the ordinary meats, and 
cheese, flour, and sometimes fruits, also formed part of the banquet ; 
wine was drunk diluted with water, and the entertainments were 
never disgraced by intemperance, like those of our northern ances- 
tors. The enjoyment of the banquet was heightened by the song 



10 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. II. 



and the dance, and the chiefs took more delight in the lays of the 
minstrel than in the exciting influence of the wine. 

The wives and daughters of the chiefs, in like manner, did not 
deem it beneath them to discharge various duties which were 
afterwards regarded as menial. Xot only do we find them con- 
stantly employed in weaving, spinning, and embroidery, but like 
the daughters of the patriarchs they fetch water from the well and 
assist their slaves in washing garments in the river. 

Even at this early age the Greeks had made considerable 
advances in civilization. They were collected in fortified towns, 
which were surrounded by walls and adorned with palaces and 
temples. The massive ruins of Myceme and the sculptured lions 
on the gate of this city belong to the Heroic age, and still excite 
the wonder of the beholder. Commerce, however, was little cul- 
tivated, and was not much esteemed. It was deemed more honour- 
able for a man to enrich himself by robbery and piracy than by 
the arts of peace. Coined money is not mentioned in the poems 
of Homer. Whether the Greeks were acquainted at this early 
period with the art of writing is a question which has given rise 
to much dispute, and must remain undetermined ; but poetry was 
cultivated with success, though yet confined to epic strains, or the 
narration of the exploits and adventures of the Heroic chiefs. The 
bard sung his own song, and was always received with welcome 
and honour in the palaces of the nobles. 

In the battles, as depicted by Homer, the chiefs are the only 
important combatants, while the people are an almost useless mass, 
frequently put to rout by the prowess of a single hero. The chief 
is mounted in a war chariot, and stands by the side of his charioteer, 
who is frequently a friend. 




Greek chariot 



Head of Olympian Zeus (Jupiter) 



CHAPTER III. 

GENERAL SURVEY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE NATIONAL 

INSTITUTIONS. 

The Greeks, as we have already seen, were divided into many 
independent communities, but several causes bound them together 
as one people. Of these the most important were community of 
blood and language — community of religious rites and festivals — 
and community of manners and character. 

All the Greeks were descended from the same ancestor and 
spoke the same language. They all described men and cities 
which were not Grecian by the term Barbarian. This word has 
passed into our own language, but with a very different idea ; for 
the Greeks applied it indiscriminately to every foreigner, to the 
civilized inhabitants of Egypt and Persia, as well as to the rude 
tribes of Scythia and Gaul. 

The second bond of union was a community of religious rites and 
festivals. From the earliest times the Greeks appear to have 
worshipped the same gods ; but originally there were no religious 
meetings common to the whole nation. Such meetings were of 
gradual growth, being formed by a number of neighbouring towns, 
which entered into an association for the periodical celebration 



J2 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. III. 



of certain religious sites. Of these the most celebrated was the 
Ampltictyonic Council. It acquired its superiority oyer other 
similar associations by the wealth and grandeur of the Delphian 
temple, of which it was the appointed guardian. It held two 
meetings every year, one in the spring at the temple of Apollo 
at Delphi, and the other in the autumn at the temple of Demeter 
(Ceres; at Thermopylae. Its members, who were called the 
Amphictyons, consisted of sacred deputies sent from twelve tribes, 
each of which contained several independent cities or states. But 
the Council was never considered as a national congress, whose duty 
it was to protect and defend the common interests of Greece ; and 
it was only when the rights of the Delphian god had been violated 
that it invoked the aid of the various members of the league. 




The foot-race. 



The Olympic Games were of greater efficacy than the Amphic- 
tyonic Council in promoting a spirit of union among the various 




Wresiiiug. 



Chap. III. 



NATIONAL FESTIVALS. 



13 



branches of the Greek race, and in keeping alive a feeling of their 
common origin. They were open to all persons who could prove 
their Hellenic blood, and 
were frequented by spec- 
tators from all parts of the 
Grecian world. They were 
celebrated at Olympia, on 
the banks of the Alpheus, 
in the territory of Elis. 
The origin of the festival 
is lost in obscurity; but 
it is said to have been 
revived by Iphitus, king 
of Elis, and Lycurgus the 
Spartan legislator, in the 
year 776 b.c. • and, accord- 
ingly, when the Greeks at Hurling the javelin, 
a later time began to use the Olympic contest as a chronological era, 
this year was regarded as the first Olympiad. It was celebrated at 
the end of every four years, and the interval which elapsed between 
each celebration was called an Olympiad. The whole festival was 
under the management of the Eleans, who appointed some of 
their own number to preside as judges, under the name of the 
Hellanodicse. During the month in which it was celebrated all 
hostilities were suspended throughout Greece. At first the festival 
was confined to a single day, and consisted of nothing more 
than a match of runners in the stadium .; but in course of time 
so many other contests were introduced, that the games occupied 
five clays. They comprised various trials of strength and skill, 




Boxing. 




HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. III. 



such as wrestling, boxing, the Pancratium (boxing and wrestling 
combined), and the complicated Pentathlirm (including jumping, 
running, the quoit, the javelin, and wrestling), but no combats with 
any kind of weapons. There were also horse-races and chariot- 
races ; and the chariot-race, with four full-grown horses, became 
one of the most popular and celebrated of all the matches. 

The only prize given to the conqueror was a garland of wild 
olive : but this was valued as one of the dearest distinctions in life. 
To have his name proclaimed as victor before assembled Hellas 
was an object of ambition with the noblest and the wealthiest 
of the Greeks. Such a person was considered to have conferred 
everlasting glory upon his family and his country, and was rewarded 
oy his fellow-citizens with distinguished honours. 




Isthmian crowns. 



During the sixth century before the Christian era three other 
national festivals — the Pythian, Xeniean, and Isthmian games — 
which were at first only local, became open to the whole nation. 
The Pythian games were celebrated in every third Olympic year, 
on the Cirrhsean plain in Phocis, under the superintendence of the 
Amphictyons. The games consisted not only of matches in gym- 
nastics and of horse and chariot races, but also of contests in music 
and poetry. - They soon acquired celebrity, and became second 
only to the great Olympic festival. The Nemean and Isthmian 
games occurred more frequently than the Olympic and Pythian. 
They were celebrated once in two years— the Nemean in the valley 
of Nemea between Phlius and Cleonse — and the Isthmian by the 
Corinthians, on their isthmus, in honour of Poseidon (XeptuneC 
As in the Pythian festival, contests in music and in poetry, as well 
as gymnastics and chariot-races, formed part of these games. Al- 
though the four great festivals of which we have been speaking 
had no influence in promoting the political union of Greece, they 
nevertheless were of great importance in making the various 
sections of the race feel that they were all members of one family, 



Chap. III. 



THE DELPHIAN ORACLE. 



15 



and in cementing them together by common sympathies and the 
enjoyment of common pleasures. The frequent occurrence of these 
festivals, for one was celebrated every year, tended to the same result. 

The Greeks were thus annually reminded of their common 
origin, and of the great distinction which existed between them 
and barbarians. Nor must we forget the incidental advantages 
which attended them. The concourse of so large a number of 
persons from every part of the Grecian world afforded to the 
merchant opportunities for traffic, and to the artist and the literary 
man the best means of making their works known. During the 
time of the games a busy commerce was carried on ; and in a 
spacious hall appropriated for the purpose, the poets, philosophers, 
and historians were accustomed to read their most recent works. 

The habit of consulting the same oracles in order to ascertain 
the will of the gods was another bond of union. It was the 
universal practice of the Greeks to undertake no matter of import- 
ance without first asking the advice of the gods ; and there were 
many sacred spots in which the gods were always ready to give an 
answer to pious worshippers. The oracle of Apollo at Delphi 
surpassed all the rest in importance, and was regarded with venera- 
tion in every part of the Grecian world. In the centre of the 
temple of Delphi there was a small opening in the ground, from 
which it was said that a certain gas or vapour 
ascended. Whenever the oracle was to be con- 
sulted, a virgin priestess called PytMa took her 
seat upon a tripod which was placed over the 
chasm. The ascending vapour affected her 
brain, and the words which she uttered in this 
excited condition were believed to be the answer 
of Apollo to his worshippers. They were always 
in hexameter verse, and were reverently taken 
down by the attendant priests. Most of the 
answers were equivocal or obscure ; but the 
credit of the oracle continued unimpaired long 
after the downfall of Grecian independence. 

A further element of union among the Greeks 
was the similarity of manners and character. 
It is true the difference in this respect between 
the polished inhabitants of Athens and the rude 
mountaineers of Acarnania was marked and 
striking; but if we compare the two with foreign contemporaries, 
the contrast between them and the latter is still more striking. 
Absolute despotism, human sacrifices, polygamy, deliberate mutila- 
tion of the person as a punishment, and selling of children into 




J 



i 

Tripod of ApolLo 
at Delphi. 



(6 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. III. 



slavery, existed in some part or other of the barbarian world, but 
are not found in any city of Greece in the historical times. 

The elements of union of which we have been speaking only 

bound the Greeks 
j-^g — 1 ] together in com- 
mon feelings and 
I sentiments : they" 
never produced 
any political union. 
The independent 
sovereignty of each 
city was a funda-' 
mental notion in 
the Greek mind. 
This strongly root- 
ed feeling deserves 
particular notice. 
Careless readers 
of history are 
tempted to sup- 
pose that the ter- 
ritory of Greece 
was divided among 
a comparatively 
small number of in- 
dependent states, 
such as Attica. 
Arcadia, Boeotia, 
Phocis, Locris. and 
the like ; but this 
is a most serious 
mistake, and leads 
to a total misappre- 
hension of Greek 
history. Every se- 
parate city was 
usually an inde- 
pendent state, and 
consequently each 
of the territories 
described under the general names of Arcadia, Boeotia, Phocis, and 
Locris, contained numerous political communities independent of 
one another. Attica, it is true, formed a single state, and its dif- 
ferent towns recognised Athens as their capital and the source of 
supreme power ; but this is an exception to the general rule. 





Apollo, the principal deity of the Dorians. 



CHAPTEE IV. 

EARLY HISTORY OF PELOPONNESUS AND SPARTA, DOWN TO THE 
END OF THE MESSENIAN WARS, B.C. 668. 

In the heroic age Peloponnesus was occupied by tribes of Dorian 
conquerors. They had no share in the glories of the Heroic age ; 
their name does not occur in the Iliad, and they are only once 
mentioned in the Odyssey; but they were destined to form in 
iiistorical times one of the most important elements of the Greek 
nation. Issuing from their mountain district between Thessaly, 
Locris and Phocis, they overran the greater part of Peloponnesus, 
destroyed the ancient Achaean monarchies, and expelled or reduced 
to subjection the original inhabitants of the land, of which they 
became the undisputed masters. This brief statement contains 
all that we know for certain respecting this celebrated event, 
which the ancient writers placed eighty years after the Trojan war 
(b.c. 1104). The legendary account of the conquest of Pelopon- 
nesus ran as follows :— The Dorians were led by the Heraclidae, 
or descendants of the mighty hero Hercules. Hence this migration 
is called the Return of the Heraclidse. The children of Hercules 
had long been fugitives upon the face of the earth. They had 

c 



1 8 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. IV. 



made many attempts to regain possession of the dominions in the 
Peloponnesus, of which their great sire had been deprived by 
Eiirysthens, but hitherto without success. In their last attempt 
Hyllus, the son of Hercules, had perished in single combat with 
Echemus of Tegea; and the Heraclidae had become bound by 
a solemn compact to renounce their enterprise for a hundred years. 
This period had now expired; and the great-grandsons of Hyllus — 
Temenus, Cresphontes, and Aristodemus — resolved to make a fresh 
attempt to recover their birthright. They were assisted in the 
enterprise by the Dorians. This people espoused their cause in 
consequence of the aid which Hercules himself had rendered to the 
Dorian king, iEgimius, when the latter was hard pressed in a 
contest with the Lapithae. The invaders were warned by an 
oracle not to enter Peloponnesus by the Isthmus of Corinth, but 
across the mouth of the Corinthian gulf. The inhabitants of the 
northern coast of the gulf were favourable to their enterprise. 
Oxylus, king of the iEtolians, became their guide ; and from 
Xaupactus they crossed over to Peloponnesus. A single battle 
decided the contest. Tisamenus, the son of Orestes, was defeated 
and retired with a portion of his Achaean subjects to the northern 
coast of Peloponnesus, then occupied by the Ionians. He expelled 
the Ionians, and took possession of the country, which continued 
henceforth to be inhabited by the Achaeans, and to be called after 
them. The Ionians withdrew to Attica, and the greater part of 
them afterwards emigrated to Asia Minor. 

The Heraclidae and the Dorians now divided between them 
the dominions of Tisamenus and of the other Achaean princes. 
The kingdom of Elis was given to Oxylus as a recompense for 
his services as their guide; and it was agreed that Temenus, 
Cresphontes, and Eurysthenes and Procles, the infant sons of 
Aristodemus (who had died at Naupactus), should draw lots for 
Argos, Sparta, and Messenia. Argos fell to Temenus, Sparta to 
Eurysthenes and Procles, and Messenia to Cresphontes. 

Such are the main features of the legend of the Eeturn of the 
Heraclidae. In order to make the story more striking and impres- 
sive, it compresses into a single epoch events which probably 
occupied several generations. It is in itself improbable that the 
brave Achaeans quietly submitted to the Dorian invaders after a 
momentary struggle. We have, moreover, many indications that 
such was not the fact, and that it was only gradually and after a 
long protracted contest that the Dorians became undisputed 
masters of the greater part of Peloponnesus. 

Argos was originally the chief Dorian state in Peloponnesus, but 
at the time of the first Olympiad its power had been supplanted b) 



B.C. 776. 



REFORMS OF LYCURGUS. 



19 



that of Sparta. The progress of Sparta from the second to the first 
place among the states in the peninsula was mainly owing to the 
military discipline and rigorous training of its citizens. The 
singular constitution of Sparta was unanimously ascribed by the 
ancients to the legislator Lycurgus, but there were different stories 
respecting his date, birth, travels, legislation, and death. His most 
probable date however is B.C. 776, in which year he is said to have 
assisted Iphitus in restoring the Olympic games. He was the 
son of Eunomus, one of the two kings who reigned together in 
Sparta. On the death of his father, his elder brother, Polydectes, 
succeeded to the crown, but died soon afterwards, leaving his 
queen with child. The ambitious woman offered to destroy 
the child, if Lycurgus would share the throne with her. Ly- 
curgus pretended to consent ; but as soon as she had given birth 
to a son, he presented him in the market-place as the future king 
of Sparta. The young king's mother took revenge upon Lycurgus 
by accusing him of entertaining designs against his nephew's life. 
Hereupon he resolved to withdraw from his native country, and to 
visit foreign lands. He was absent many years, and is said to have 
employed his time in studying the institutions of other nations, 
in order to devise a system of laws and regulations which might 
deliver Sparta from the evils under which it had long been 
suffering. During his absence the young king had grown up, and 
assumed the reins of government ; but the disorders of the state 
had meantime become worse than ever, and all parties longed for a 
termination to their present sufferings. Accordingly the return of 
Lycurgus was hailed with delight, and he found the people both 
ready and willing to submit to an entire change in their government 
and institutions. He now set himself to work to carry his long 
projected reforms into effect; but before he commenced his 
arduous task he consulted the Delphian oracle, from which he 
received strong assurances of divine support. Thus encouraged by 
the god, he suddenly presented himself in the market-place, 
surrounded by thirty of the most distinguished Spartans in arms. 
His reforms were not carried into effect without violent opposition, 
and in one of the tumults which they excited, his eye is said to 
have been struck out by a passionate youth. But he finally 
triumphed over all obstacles, and succeeded in obtaining the 
submission of all classes in the community to his new constitution. 
His last act was to sacrifice himself for the welfare of his country. 
Having obtained from the people a solemn oath to make no 
alterations in his laws before his return, he quitted Sparta for ever. 
He set out on a journey to Delphi, where he obtained an oracle 
from the god, approving of all he had done, and promising 

c 2 



20 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. IV. 



prosperity to the Spartans so long as they preserved his laws. 
Whither lie went afterwards, and 'how and where he died, no- 
body could tell. He vanished from earth like a god, leaving no 
traces behind him but his spirit : and his grateful conntrymen 
honoured him with a temple, and worshipped him with annual 
sacrifices down to the latest times. 

The population of Laeonia was divided into the three classes of 
Spartans, Perieeci, arid Helots. 

I. The Spartans were the descendants of the leading Dorian 
conquerors. They formed the sovereign power of the state; and 
they alone were eligible to honours and pnblic offices. They lived 
in Sparta itself, and were all subject to the discipline of Lyeurgus. 
They were divided into three tribes, — the Hylleis, the Fampliyli, 
and the Dymanes, — which were not, however, peculiar to Sparta, 
but existed in all the Dorian states. 

II. The Periosci * were personally free, but politically subject to 
the Spartans. They possessed no share in the government, and 
were bound to obey the commands of the Spartan magistrates. 
They appear to have been the descendants of the old Achsean 
population of the country, and they were distributed into a hundred 
townships, which were spread through, the whole of Laeonia. 

III. The Helots were serfs bound to the soil, which they tilled 
for the benefit of the Spartan proprietors. Their condition was 
very different from that of the ordinary slaves in antiquity, and 
more similar to the villanage of the middle ages. They lived 
in the rural villages, as the Perioeci did in the towns, cultivating 
the lands and paying over the rent to their masters in Sparta, 
but enjoying their homes, wives, and families, apart from their 
master's personal superintendence. They appear to have been 
never sold, and they accompanied the Spartans to the field as light- 
aimed troops. But while their condition was in these respects 
superior to that of the ordinary slaves in other parts of Greece, 
it was embittered by the fact that they were not strangers like the 
latter, but were of the same race and spoke the same language as 
their masters, being probably the descendants of the old inha- 
bitants, who had offered the most obstinate resistance to the 
Dorians, and had therefore been reduced to slavery. As their 
numbers increased, they became objects of suspicion to their 
masters, and were subjected to the most wanton and oppressive 
cruelty. 

The functions of the Spartan government were distributed 

* This word signifies literally Dwellers around the city, and -was generally 
used to indicate tlie inhabitants in the country districts, -who possessed in- 
ferior political privileges to the citizens who lired in the city. 



B.C. 776. 



THE SPARTAN GOVERNMENT. 



21 



among two kings, a senate of thirty members, a popular assembly, 
and an executive directory of Jive men called the Ephors. 

At the head of the state were the two hereditary kings. The 
existence of a pair of kings was peculiar to Sparta, and is said 
to have arisen from the accidental circumstance of Aristodemus 
having left twin sons, Eurysthenes and Procles. This division 
of the royal power naturally tended to weaken its influence and to 
produce jealousies and dissensions between the two kings. The 
royal power was on the decline during the whole historical period, 
and the authority of the kings was gradually usurped by the 
Ephors, who at length obtained the entire control of the govern- 
ment, and reduced the kings to a state of humiliation and de- 
pendence. 

The Senate, called Gerusia, or the Council of Elders, consisted 
of thirty members, among whom the two kings were included. 
They were obliged to be upwards of sixty years of age, and they 
held their office for life. They possessed considerable power, 
and were the only real check upon the authority of the Ephors. 
They discussed and prepared all measures which were to be 
brought before the popular assembly, and they had some share in 
the general administration of the state. But the most important 
of their functions was, that they were judges in all criminal cases 
affecting the life of a Spartan citizen. 

The Popular Assembly was of little importance, and appears 
to have been usually summoned only as a matter of form for the 
election of certain magistrates, for passing laws, and for deter- 
mining upon peace and war. It would appear that open discussion 
was not allowed, and that the assembly rarely came to a division. 

The Ephors were of later .origin, and did not exist in the 
original constitution of Lycurgus. They may be regarded as the 
representatives of the popular assembly. They were elected 
annually from the general body of Spartan citizens, and seem to 
have been originally appointed to protect the interests and liberties 
of the people against the encroachments of the kings and the 
senate. They correspond in many respects to the tribunes of the 
people at Koine. Their functions were at first limited and of small 
importance; but in the end the whole political power became 
centred in their hands. 

The Spartan government was in reality a close oligarchy, in 
which the kings and the senate, as well as the people, were alike 
subject to the irresponsible authority of the five Ephors. 

The most important part of the legislation of Lycurgus did not 
relate to the political constitution of Sparta, but to the discipline 
and education of the citizens. It was these which gave Sparta her 



22 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. IV. 



peculiar character, arid distinguished her in so striking a manner 
from all the other states of Greece. The position of the Spartans 
surrounded by numerous enemies, whom they held in subjection 
by the sword alone, compelled them to be a nation of soldiers. 
Lycurgus determined that they should be nothing else; and the 
great object of his whole system was to cultivate a martial spirit, 
and to give them a training which would make them invincible in 
battle. To accomplish this the education of a Spartan was placed 
under the control of the state from his earliest boyhood. Every 
child after birth was exhibited to public view, and, if deemed 
deformed and weakly, was exposed to perish on Mount Taygetus. 
At the age of seven he was taken from his mother's care, and 
handed over to the public classes. He was not only taught 
gymnastic games and military exercises, but he was also subjected 
to severe bodily discipline, and was compelled to submit to hard- 
ships and suffering without repining or complaint. One of the 
tests to which he was subjected was a cruel scourging at the altar 
of Artemis (Diana), until his blood gushed forth and covered the 
altar of the goddess. It was inflicted publicly before the eyes 
of his parents and in the presence of the whole city ; and many 
Spartan youths were known to have died under the lash without 
uttering a complaining murmur. Xo means were neglected to 
prepare them for the hardships and stratagems of war. They were 
obliged to wear the same garment winter and summer, and to 
endure hunger and thirst, heat and cold. They were purposely 
allowed an insufficient quantity of food, but were permitted to 
make up the deficiency by hunting in the woods and mountains of 
Laconia. They were even encouraged to steal whatever they 
could; but if they were caught in the fact, they were severely 
punished for their want of dexterity. Plutarch tells us of a boy, 
who, having stolen a fox, and hid it under his garment, chose 
rather to let it tear out his very bowels than be detected in the 
theft. 

The literary education of a Spartan youth was of a most re- 
stricted kind. He was taught to despise literature as unworthy 
of a warrior, while the study of eloquence and philosophy, which 
were cultivated at Athens with such extraordinary success, was 
regarded at Sparta with contempt. Long speeches were a Spartan's 
abhorrence, and he was trained to express himself with sententious 
brevity. 

A Spartan was not considered to have reached the full age of 
manhood till he had completed his thirtieth year. He was then 
allowed to marry, to take part in the public assembly, and was 
eligible to the offices of the state. But he still continued under 



B.C. 776. 



THE SPARTAN WOMEN. 



23 



the public discipline, and was not permitted even to reside and 
take his meals with his wife. It was not till he had reached his 
sixtieth year that he was released from the public discipline and 
from military service. 

The public mess— called Syssitia—is said to have been instituted 
by Lycurgus to prevent all indulgence of the appetite. Public 
tables were provided, at which every male citizen was obliged 
to take his meals. Each table accommodated fifteen persons, who 
formed a separate mess, into which no new member was admitted, 
except by the unanimous consent of the whole company. Each 
sent monthly to the common stock a specified quantity of barley- 
meal, wine, cheese, and figs, and a little money to buy flesh and 
fish. No distinction of any kind was allowed at these frugal meals. 
Meat was only eaten occasionally ; and one of the principal dishes 
was black broth. Of what it consisted we do not know. The 
tyrant Dionysius found it very unpalatable ; but, as the cook told 
him, the broth was nothing without the seasoning of fatigue and 
hunger. 

The Spartan women in their earlier years were subjected to 
a course of training almost as rigorous as that of the men, and 
contended with each other in running, wrestling, and boxing. At 
the age of twenty a Spartan woman usually married, and she was 
no longer subjected to the public discipline. Although she 
enjoyed little of her husband s society, she was treated by him with 
deep respect, and was allowed a greater degree of liberty than was 
tolerated in other Grecian states. Hence she took a lively interest 
in the welfare and glory of her native land, and was animated by 
an earnest and lofty spirit of patriotism. The Spartan mother had 
reason to be proud of herself and of her children. When a woman 
of another country said to Gorgo, the wife of Leonidas, " The 
Spartan women alone rule the men," she replied, "The Spartan 
women alone bring forth men." Their husbands and their sons 
were fired by their sympathy to deeds of heroism. " Beturn either 
with your shield, or upon it," was their exhortation to their sons 
when going to battle. 

Lycurgus is said to have divided the land belonging to the Spar- 
tans into 9000 equal lots, and the remainder of Laconia into 30,000 
equal lots, and to have assigned to each Spartan citizen one of the 
former of these lots, and to each Pericecus one of the latter. 

Neither gold nor silver money was allowed in Sparta, and 
nothing but bars of iron passed in exchange for every commodity 
As the Spartans were not permitted to engage in commerce, and 
all luxury and display in dress, furniture, and food was forbidden, 
they had very little occasion for a circulating medium, and iron 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. IV. 



money was found sufficient for their few wants. But this prohibi- 
tion of the precious metals only made the Spartans more anxious to 
obtain them ; and even in the times of their greatest glory the 
Spartans were the most venal of the Greeks, and could rarely resist 
the temptation of a bribe. 

The legislation of Lyeurgus was followed, by important results. 
It made the Spartans a body of professional soldiers, well trained 
and well disciplined, at a time when military training and chscipline 
were little known, and almost unpractised in the other states of 
Greece. The consequence was the rapid growth of the political 
power of Sparta, and the subjugation of the neighbouring states. 
At the time of Lyeurgus the Spartans held only a small portion 
of Laconia : they were merely a garrison in the heart of an enemy's 
country. Their first object was to make themselves masters of 
Laconia, in which they finally succeeded after a severe struggle. 
They next turned their arms against the Messenians, Arcadians, 
and Argives. Of these wars the two waged against' Messenia 
were the most celebrated and the most important. They were 
both long protracted and obstinately contested. They both ended 
in the victory of Sparta, and in the subjugation of Messenia. 
These facts are beyond dispute ; but of the details we have no 
trustworthy narrative. 

The First Messenian War lasted from B.C. 743 to 724. During 
the first four- years the Lacedaemonians made little progress; but 
in the fifth a great battle was fought, and although its result was 
indecisive, the Messenians did not venture to risk another engage- 
ment, and retired to the strongly fortified mountain of Ithonie. In 
their distress they sent to consult the oracle at Delphi, and 
received the appalling answer that the salvation of Messenia 
required the sacrifice of a virgin of the royal house to the gods 
of the lower world. Aristodemus, who is the Messenian hero of 
the first war, slew his own daughter, which so disheartened the 
Spartans, that they abstained from attacking the Messenians for 
some years. In the thirteenth year of the war the Spartan king 
marched against Ithome, and a second great battle was fought, but 
the result was again indecisive. The Messenian king fell in the 
action ; and Aristodemus, who was chosen king in his place, 
prosecuted the war with vigour. In the fifth year of his reign 
a third great battle was fought. This time the Messenians gained 
a decisive victor}*, and the Lacedaemonians were driven back into 
their own territory. They now sent to ask advice of the Delphian 
oracle, and were promised success upon using stratagem. They 
therefore had recourse to fraud : and at the same time various 
prodigies dismayed the bold spirit of Aristodemus. His daughter 



B.C. 668. 



THE SECOND MESSENIAN WAR. 



25 



too appeared to liim in a dream, showed him her wounds, and 
beckoned him away. Seeing that his country was doomed to 
destruction, Aristodemus slew himself on his daughter's tomb. 
Shortly afterwards, in the twentieth year of the war, the Messenians 
abandoned Ithome, which the Lacedaemonians razed to the ground, 
and the whole country became subject to Sparta. Many of the 
inhabitants tied into other countries ; but those who remained were 
reduced to the condition of Helots, and were compelled to pay 
to their masters half of the produce of their lands. 

For thirty-nine years the Messenians endured this degrading 
yoke. At the end of this time they took up arms against their 
oppressors. The Second Messenian War lasted from b.c. 685 to 668. 
Its hero is Aristomenes, whose wonderful exploits form the great 
subject of this war. It would appear that most of the states in 
Peloponnesus took part in the struggle. The first battle was 
fought before the arrival of the allies on either side, and, though 
it was indecisive, the valour of Aristomenes struck fear into the 
hearts of the Spartans. To frighten the enemy still more, the hero 
crossed the frontier, entered Sparta by night, and affixed a shield to 
the temple of Athena (Minerva), with the inscription, " Dedicated 
by Aristomenes to the goddess from the Spartan spoils." The 
Spartans in alarm sent to Delphi for advice. The god bade them 
apply to Athens for a leader. Fearing to disobey the oracle, but 
with the view of rendering no real assistance, the Athenians sent 
Tyrtseus, a lame man and a schoolmaster. The Spartans received 
their new leader with due honour ; and he was not long in justi- 
fying the credit of the oracle. His martial songs roused their 
fainting courage ; and so efficacious were his poems, that to them 
is mainly ascribed the final success of the Spartan arms. 

Encouraged by the strains of Tyrtasus, the Spartans again 
marched against the Messenians. But they were not at first 
successful. A great battle was fought at the Boar's Grave in 
the plain of Stenyclerus, in which they were defeated with great 
loss. In the third year of the war another great battle was 
fought, in which the Messenians suffered a signal defeat. So great 
was their loss, that Aristomenes no longer ventured to meet the 
Spartans in the open field. Following the example of the Mes- 
senian leaders in the former war, he retired to the mountain 
fortress of Ira. The Spartans encamped at the foot of the moun- 
tain ; but Aristomenes frequently sallied from the fortress, and 
ravaged the lands of Laconia with fire and sword. It is unneces- 
sary to relate all the wonderful exploits of this hero in his various 
incursions. Thrice was he taken prisoner ; on two occasions he 
burst his bonds, but on the third he was carried to Sparta, and 



26 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. IV. 



thrown with his fifty companions into a deep pit, called Ceadas. 
His comrades were all killed by the fall ; bnt Aristomenes reached 
the bottom nnhnrt. He saw, however, no means of escape, and had 
resigned himself to death ; but on the third day perceiving a fox 
creeping among the bodies, he grasped its tail, and, following the 
animal as it struggled to escape, discovered an opening in the rock, 
and on the next day was at Ira to the surprise alike of friends and 
foes. But his single prowess was not sufficient to avert the ruin of 
his country. One night the Spartans surprised Ira, while Aristo- 
menes was disabled by a wound ; but he collected the bravest of 
his followers, and forced his way through the enemy. Many of the 
Messenians went to Ehegium, in Italy, under the sons of Aristo- 
menes, but the hero himself finished his days in Ehodes. 

The second Messenian war was terminated by the complete 
subjugation of the Messenians, who again became the serfs of their 
conquerors. In this condition they remained till the restoration of 
their independence by Epaminondas, in the year 369 b.c. During 
the whole of the intervening period the Messenians disappear from 
history. The country called Messenia in the map became a portion 
of Laconia, which thus extended across the south of Peloponnesus 
from the eastern to the western sea. 




Ancient Bridge in Laconia. 



Athena (Minerva), the national deity of the Athenians 



CHAPTER V. 

EARLY HISTORY OF ATHENS, DOWN TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF 
DEMOCRACY BY CLISTHENES, B.C. 510. 

Sparta was the only state in Greece which continued to retain the 
kingly form of government during the brilliant period of Grecian 
history. In all other parts of Greece royalty had been abolished 
at an early age, and various forms of republican government estab- 
lished in its stead. The abolition of royalty was first followed by 
an Oligarchy, or the government of the Few. Democracy, or the 
government of the Many, was of later growth. It was not from the 
people that the oligarchies received their first and greatest blow. 



2S 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. V. 



They were generally overthrown by the usurpers, to whom the 
Greeks gave the name of Tyrants* 

The rise of the Tyrants seems to have taken place about the 
same time in a large number of the Greek cities. In most cases 
they belonged to the nobles, and they generally became masters of 
the state by espousing the cause of the commonalty, and using the 
strength of the people to put down the oligarchy by force. At first 
they were popular with the general body of the citizens, who were 
glad to see the humiliation of their former masters. But dis- 
content soon began to arise ; the tyrant had recourse to violence to 
quell disaffection ; and the government became in reality a tyranny 
in the modern sense of the word. 

Many of the tyrants in Greece were put down by the Lacedaemo- 
nians. The Spartan government was essentially an oligarchy, and 
the Spartans were always ready to lend their powerful aid in 
favour of the government of the Few. Hence they took an active 
part in the overthrow of the despots, with the intention of estab- 
lishing the ancient oligarchy in then* place. But this rarely 
happened ; and they found it impossible in most cases to reinstate 
the former body "of nobles in their ancient privileges. The latter, 
it is true, attempted to regain them, and were supported in their 
attempts by Sparta. Hence arose a new struggle. The first contest 
after the abolition of royalty was between oligarchy and the despot, 
the next was between oligarchy and democracy. 

The history of Athens affords the most striking illustration of 
the different revolutions of which we have been speaking. 

Little is known of Athens before the age of Solon. Its legendary 
tales are few, its historical facts still fewer. Cecrops, the first ruler 
of Attica, is said to have divided the country into twelve districts, 
which are represented as independent communities, each governed 
by a separate king. They were afterwards united into a single 
state, having Athens as its capital and the seat of government. 
At what time this important union was effected cannot be de- 
termined ; but it is ascribed to Theseus, as the national hero of the 
Athenian people. 

A few generations after Theseus, the Dorians are said to have 
invaded Attica. An oracle declared that they would be victorious 
if they spared the life of the Athenian king ; whereupon Codrus, 
who then reigned at Athens, resolved to sacrifice himself for the 
welfare of his country. Accordingly he went into the invaders' 
camp in disguise, provoked a quarrel with one of the Dorian 

* The Greek Tvord Tyrant does not correspond in meaning to the same 
■srord in the English language. It signifies simply an irresponsible ruler, and 
may, therefore, be more correctly rendered by the term Despot. 



B.C. 624. 



THE ATHENIAN GOVERNMENT. 



29 



soldiers, and was killed by the latter. Upon learning the death of 
the Athenian king, the Dorians retired from Attica without striking 
a blow : and the Athenians, from respect to the memory of Codros, 
abolished the title of king, and substituted for it that of Archon or 
Kuler. The office, however, was held for life, and was confined to 
the family of Codrus. His son Medon was the first archon, and he 
was followed in the dignity by eleven members of the family in 
succession. But soon after the accession of Alcniseon, the thirteenth 
in descent from Medon, another change was introduced, and the 
duration of the archonship was limited to ten years (b.c. 752). The 
dignity was still confined to the descendants of Medon ; but in the 
time of Hippomenes (b.c. 714) this restriction was removed, and the 
office was thrown open to all the nobles in the state. In B.C. 683 a 
still more important change took place. The archonship was now 
made annual, and its duties were distributed among nine persons, 
all of whom bore the title. The last of the decennial archons 
was Eryxias, the first of the nine annual archons Creon. 

Such is the legendary account of the change of government 
at Athens, from royalty to an oligarchy. It appears to have taken 
place peaceably and gradually, as in most other Greek states. The 
whole political power was vested in the nobles ; from them the 
nine annual archons were taken, and to them alone these magis- 
trates were responsible. The people, or general body of freemen, 
had no share in the government. 

The Athenian nobles were called Eupatridse, the two other 
classes in the state being the Geomori or husbandmen, and Demi- 
urgi or artisans. This arrangement is ascribed to Theseus ; but 
there was another division of the people of still greater antiquity. 
As the Dorians were divided into three tribes, so the lonians 
were usually distributed into four tribes. The latter division 
also existed among the Athenians, who were lonians, and it con- 
tinued in full vigour down to the great revolution of Clisthenes 
(b.c. 509)o These tribes were distinguished by the names of 
Geleontes (or Teleontes) "cultivators," Hopletes "warriors," Mgi- 
cores "goat-herds," and A rgades "artisans." Each tribe contained 
three Phratrise, each Phratry thirty Gentes, and each Gens thirty 
heads of families. 

The first date in Athenian history on which certain reliance can 
be placed is the institution of annual archons, in the year 683 B.C. 
The duties of the government were distributed among the nine 
archons, in the following manner. The first was called The Archon 
by way of pre-eminence, and sometimes the Archon Eponymus, 
because the year was distinguished by his name. The second 
archon was called The Basileus or The King, because he repre- 



30 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. V. 



sented the king in his capacity as high-priest of the nation. The 
third archon bore the title of Tlie Polemarch. or Commander-in- 
chief, and was, down to the time of Clisthenes, the commander 
of the troops. The remaining six had the common title of Thes- 
mothetx, or Legislators. Then- duties seem to have been almost 
exclusively judicial. 

The government of the Eupatrids was oppressive ; and the 
discontent of the people at length became so serious, that Draco 
was appointed in 624 B.C. to draw up a written code of laws. They 
were marked by extreme severity. He affixed the penalty of death 
to all crimes alike ; to petty thefts, for instance, as well as to 
sacrilege and murder. Hence they were said to have been written 
not in ink but in blood ; and we are told that he justified this 
extreme harshness by saying, that small offences deserved death, 
and that he knew no severer punishment for great ones. 

The legislation of Draco failed to calm the prevailing discontent. 
The people gained nothing by the written code, except a more 
perfect knowledge of its severity ; and civil dissensions prevailed 
as extensively as before. The general dissatisfaction with the 
government was favourable to revolutionary projects ; and accord- 
ingly, twelve years after Draco's legislation (b.c. 612), Cylon, one 
of the nobles, conceived the design of depriving his brother 
Eupatrids of their power, and making himself tyrant of Athens. 
Having collected a considerable force, he seized the Acropolis ; but 
he did not meet with support from the great mass of the people, 
and he soon found himself closely blockaded by the forces of the 
Eupatrids. Cylon and his brother made their escape, but the 
remainder of his associates, hard pressed by hunger, abandoned 
the defence of the walls, and took refuge at the altar of Athena 
(Minerva). They were induced by the archon Megacles, one 
of the illustrious family of the Alcinseonidse, to quit the altar on 
the promise that their lives should be spared; but directly they 
had left the temple they were put to death, and some of them were 
murdered even at the altar of the Eumenides or Furies, 

The conspiracy thus failed ; but its suppression was attended 
with a long train of melancholy consequences. The whole family 
of the AlcmseonidsB was believed to have become tainted by the 
daring act of sacrilege committed by Megacles; and the friends 
and partisans of the murdered conspirators were not slow in 
demanding vengeance upon the accursed race. Thus a new 
element of discord was introduced into the state. In the midst 
of these dissensions there was one man who enjoyed a distinguished 
reputation at Athens, and to whom his fellow-citizens looked up as 
the only person in the state who could deliver them from their 



B.C. 594. 



LEGISLATION OF SOLON. 



31 



political and social dissensions, and secure them from such mis- 
fortunes for the future. This man was Solon, the son of Exece- 
stides, and a descendant of Codrus. He had travelled through 
many parts of Greece and Asia, and had formed acquaintance with 
many of the most eminent men of his time. On his return to 
his native country he distinguished himself by recovering the 
island of Salamis, which had revolted to Megara (b.c. 600). Three 
years afterwards he persuaded the Alcmseonidse to submit their 
case to the judgment of three hundred Eupatridse, by whom they 
were adjudged guilty of sacrilege, and were expelled from Attica 
The banishment of the guilty race did not, however, deliver the 
Athenians from their religious fears. A pestilential disease with 
which they were visited was regarded as an unerring sign of the 
divine wrath. Upon the advice of the Delphic oracle, they invited 
the celebrated Cretan prophet and sage, Epimenides, to visit 
Athens, and purify their city from pollution and sacrilege. By 
performing certain sacrifices and expiatory acts, Epimenides suc- 
ceeded in staying the plague. 

The civil dissensions however still continued. The population of 
Attica was now divided into three hostile factions, consisting of 
the Pedieis or wealthy Eupatrid inhabitants of the plains ; of the 
Diacrii, or poor inhabitants of the hilly districts in the north and 
east of Attica ; and of the Parali, or mercantile inhabitants of the 
coasts, who held an intermediate position between the other two. 
Their disputes were aggravated by the miserable condition of the 
poorer population. The latter were in a state ^ of abject poverty 
They had borrowed money from the wealthy at exorbitant rates 
of interest upon the security of their property and their persons. 
If the principal and interest of the debt were not paid, the creditor 
had the power of seizing the person as well as the land of his 
debtor, and of using him as a slave. Many had thus been torn 
from their homes and sold to barbarian masters, while others were 
cultivating as slaves the lands of their wealthy creditors in Attica 
Matters had at length reached a crisis; the existing laws could 
no longer be enforced; and the poor were ready to rise in open 
insurrection against the rich. 

In these alarming circumstances the ruling oligarchy were 
obliged to have recourse to Solon; and they therefore chose 
him Archon in B.C. 594, investing him under that title with un- 
limited powers to effect any changes he might consider bene- 
ficial to the state. His appointment was hailed with satisfaction 
by the poor ; and all parties were willing to accept his mediation 
and reforms. 

Solon commenced his undertaking by relieving the poorer class 



32 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. V. 



of debtors from their existing distress. He cancelled all contracts 
by which the land or person of a debtor had been given as 
security ; and he forbad for the future all loans in which the person 
of the debtor was pledged. He next proceeded to draw up a new 
constitution and a new code of laws. As a preliminary step he 
repealed all the laws of Draco, except those relating to murder. 
He then made a new classification of the citizens, distributing them 
into four classes according to the amount of their property, thus 
making wealth and not birth the title to the honours and offices of 
the state. The first class consisted of those whose annual income 
was equal to 500 medium i * of corn and upwards, and were called 
Pentacosiomedimni. The second class consisted of those whose 
incomes ranged between 300 and 500 medimni, and were called 
Knights, from their being able to furnish a war-horse. The third 
class consisted of those who received between 200 and 300 me- 
dimni, and were called Zeugitse, from their being able to keep 
a yoke of oxen for the plough. The fourth class, called Thetes, 
included all whose property fell short of 200 medimni. The first 
class were alone eligible to the archonship and the higher offices 
of the state. The second and third classes filled inferior posts, and 
were liable to military service, the former as horsemen, and the 
latter as heavy-armed soldiers on foot. The fourth class were 
excluded from all public offices, and served in the array only as 
light-armed troops. Solon, however, allowed them to vote in the 
public assembly, where they must have constituted by far the 
largest number. He gave the assembly the right of electing 
the archons and the other officers of the state ; and he also made 
the archons accountable to the assembly at the expiration of their 
year of office. 

This extension of the duties of the public assembly led to the 
institution of a new body. Solon created the Senate, or Council of 
Four Hundred, with the special object of preparing all matters for 
the discussion of the public assembly, of presiding at its meetings, 
and of carrying its resolutions into effect. No subject could be 
introduced before the people, except by a previous resolution of the 
Senate. The members of the Senate were elected by the public 
assembly, one hundred from each of the four ancient tribes, which 
were left untouched by Solon. They held their office for a year, 
and were accountable at its expiration to the public assembly for 
the manner in which they had discharged their duties. 

The Senate of the Areopagus f is said by some writers to have 

* The medimnus was one bushel and a half. 

f It received its name from its place of meeting, which was a rocky emi- 
nence opposite the Acropolis, called the hill of Ares (Mars' Hill). 



B.C. 560. 



USURPATION OF PISISTRATUS. 



33 



been instituted by Solon ; but it existed long before his time, and 
may be regarded as the representative of the Council of Chiefs 
in the Heroic age. Solon enlarged its powers, and intrusted 
it with the general supervision of the institutions and laws of the 
state, and imposed upon it the duty of inspecting the lives and 
occupations of the citizens. All archons became members of it 
at the expiration of their year of office. 

Solon laid only the foundation of the Athenian democracy 
by giving the poorer classes a vote in the popular assembly, and by 
enlarging the power of the latter; but he left the government 
exclusively in the hands of the wealthy. For many years after 
his time the government continued to be an oligarchy, but was 
exercised with more moderation and justice than formerly. 

Solon enacted numerous laws, containing regulations on almost 
all subjects connected with the public and private life of the 
citizens. He encouraged trade and manufactures, and invited 
foreigners to settle in Athens by the promise of protection and 
by valuable privileges. To discourage idleness a son was not 
obliged to support his father in old age, if the latter had neglected 
to teach him some trade or occupation. 

Solon punished theft by compelling the guilty party to restore 
double the value of the property stolen. He forbade speaking evil 
either of the dead or of the living. 

Solon is said to have been aware that he had left many imper- 
fections in his laws. He described them not as the best laws 
which he could devise, but as the best which the Athenians could 
receive. Having bound the government and people of Athens by 
a solemn oath to observe his institutions for at least ten years, 
he left Athens and travelled in foreign lands. During his absence 
the old dissensions between the Plain, the Shore, and the Mountain 
broke out afresh with more violence than ever. The first was 
headed by Lycurgus, the second by Megacles, an Alcmseonid, and 
the third by Pisistratus, the cousin of Solon. Of these leaders, 
Pisistratus was the ablest and the most dangerous. He had 
espoused the cause of the poorest of the three classes, in order 
to gain popularity, and to make himself master of Athens. Solon 
on his return to Athens detected the ambitious designs of his 
kinsman, and attempted to dissuade him from them. Finding his 
remonstrances fruitless, he next denounced his projects in verses 
addressed to the people. Few, however, gave any heed to his 
warnings : and Pisistratus, at length finding his schemes ripe for 
action, had recourse to a memorable stratagem to secure his object. 
One day he appeared in the market-place in a chariot, his mules 
and his own person bleeding with wounds inflicted with his own 



34 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. V. 



hands. These he exhibited to the people, telling them that he had 
been nearly murdered in consequence of defending their rights. 
The popular indignation was excited ; and a guard of fifty club- 
men was granted him for his future security. He gradually 
increased the number of his guard, and soon found himself strong 
enough to throw off the mask and seize the Acropolis (b.c. 560). 
Megacles and the AlcniaBonidse left the city. Solon alone had the 
coinage to oppose the usurpation, and upbraided the people with 
their cowardice and their treachery. "You might/" said he, "with 
ease have crushed the tyrant in the bud ; but nothing now remains 
but to pluck him up by the roots." But no one responded to his 
appeal. He refused to fly ; and when his friends asked him on 
what he relied for protection, " On my old age," was his reply. It 
is creditable to Pisistratus that he left his aged relative unmolested, 
and even asked his advice in the administration of the government. 
Solon did not long survive the overthrow of the constitution. He 
died a year or two afterwards at the advanced age of eighty. His 
ashes are said to have been scattered by his own direction round 
the island of Salamis, which he had won for the Athenian people. 

Pisistratus however did not retain his power long. The leaders 
of the factions of the Shore and the Plain combined and drove the 
usurper into exile. But the Shore and the Plain having quarrelled, 
Pisistratus was recalled and again became master of Athens. 
Another revolution shortly afterwards drove him into exile a 
second time, and he remained abroad ten years. At length, with 
the assistance of mercenaries from other Grecian states and with 
the aid of his partisans in Athens, he became master of Athens for 
the third time, and henceforth continued in possession of the 
supreme power till the day of his death. As soon as he was firmly 
established in the government, his administration was marked 
by mildness and equity. He maintained the institutions of Solon, 
taking care, however, that the highest offices should always be held 
by some members of his own family. He not only enforced strict 
obedience to the laws, but himself set the example of submitting to 
them. Being accused of murder, he disdained to take advantage 
of his authority, and went in person to plead his cause before the 
Areopagus, where his accuser did not venture to appear. He 
courted popularity by largesses to the citizens and by throwing 
open his gardens to the poor. He adorned Athens with many 
public buildings. He commenced on a stupendous scale a temple 
to the Olympian Zeus, which remained unfinished for centuries, 
and was at length completed by the emperor Hadrian. He was a 
patron of literature, as well as of the arts. He is said to have been 
the first person in Greece who collected a library, which he threw 



B.C. 514. ASSASSINATION OF HIPPARCHUS. 



35 



open to the public; and to him posterity is indebted for the 
collection of the Homeric poems. On the whole it cannot be 
denied that he made a wise and noble use of his power. 

Pisistratus died at an advanced age in 527 B.C., thirty-three years 
after his first usurpation. He transmitted the sovereign power to 
Ms sons, Hippias and Hipparchus, who conducted the government 
on the same principles as their father. Hipparchus inherited his 
father's literary tastes. He invited several distinguished poets, 
such as Anacreon and Simonides, to his court. The people appear 
to have been contented with their rule; and it was only an 
accidental circumstance which led to their overthrow and to a 
change in the government. 

Their fall was occasioned by the conspiracy of Harmodius and 
Aristogiton, who were attached to each other by a most intimate 
friendship. Harmodius having given offence to Hippias, the despot 
revenged himself by putting a public affront upon his sister. This 
indignity excited the resentment of the two friends, and they now 
resolved to slay the despots at the festival of the Great Pana- 
thensea, when all the citizens were required to attend in arms. 
Having communicated their design to a few associates, the conspi- 
rators appeared armed at the appointed time like the rest of the 
citizens, but carrying concealed daggers besides. Harmodius and 
Aristogiton had planned to kill Hippias first as he was arranging 
the order of the procession outside the city, but, upon approaching 
the spot where he was standing, they were thunderstruck at 
beholding one of the conspirators in close conversation with the 
despot. Believing that they were betrayed, they rushed back into 
the city with their daggers hid in the myrtle boughs which they 
were to have carried in the procession, and killed Hipparchus. 
Harmodius was immediately cut down by the guards. Aristogiton 
died under the tortures to which he was subjected in order to 
compel him to disclose his accomplices. 

Hipparchus was assassinated in B.C. 514, the fourteenth year 
after the death of Pisistratus. From this time the character of the 
government became entirely changed. His brother's murder con- 
verted Hippias into a cruel and suspicious tyrant. He put to death 
numbers of the citizens, and raised large sums of money by 
extraordinary taxes. 

The Alcmseonidse, who had lived in exile ever since the third 
and final restoration of Pisistratus to Athens, now began to form 
schemes to expel the tyrant. Clisthenes, the son of Megacles, who 
was the head of the family, secured the Delphian oracle by 
pecuniary presents to the Pythia, or priestess. Henceforth, when- 
ever the Spartans came to consult the oracle, the answer of the 

d 2 



3-3 



HISTORY OF GKEECE. 



Chap. V. 



priestess was always the same, "Athens must be liberated." This 
order was so often repeated, that the Spartans at last resolved to 
obey. Cleomenes, king of Sparta, defeated the Thessalian allies of 
Hippias ; and the tyrant, unable to meet his enemies in the field, 
took refuge in the Acropolis. Here he might have maintained 
himself in safety, had not his children been made prisoners as they 
were being secretly carried out of the country. To procure their 
restoration, he consented to quit Attica in the space of five days. 
He sailed to Asia, and took up his residence at Sigeum in the 
Troad, which his father had wrested from the Mytilenseans in war. 

Hippias was expelled in b.c. 510, four years after the assassination 
of Hipparchus. These four years had been a time of suffering and 
oppression for the Athenians, and had effaced from their minds all 
recollection of the former mild rule of Pisistratus and his sons. 
Hence the expulsion of the family was hailed with delight. The 
memory of Harmodius and Aristogiton was cherished with the 
fondest reverence ; and the Athenians of a later age, overlooking 
the four years which had elapsed from their death to the overthrow 
of the despotism, represented them as the liberators of their 
country and the first martyrs for its liberty. Their statues were 
erected in the market-place soon after the expulsion of Hippias ; 
their descendants enjoyed immunity from all taxes and public 
burdens ; and their deed of vengeance formed the favourite subject 
of drinking songs. 

The Lacedemonians quitted Athens soon after Hippias had 
sailed away, leaving the Athenians to settle then- own affairs. 
Clisthenes, to whom Athens was mainly indebted for its liberation 
from the despotism, aspired to be the political leader of the state, 
but he was opposed by Isagoras, the leader of the party of the 
nobles. By the Solonian constitution, the whole political power 
was vested in the hands of the nobles ; and Clisthenes soon found 
that it was hopeless to contend against his rival under the existing 
order of things. For this reason he resolved to introduce an 
important change in the constitution, and to give to the people an 
equal share in the government. 

The reforms of Clisthenes gave birth to the Athenian democracy, 
which can hardly be said to have existed before this time. His 
first and most important measure was a redistribution of the whole 
population of Attica into ten new tribes. He abolished the four 
ancient Ionic tribes, and enrolled in the ten new tribes all the free 
inhabitants of Attica, including both resident aliens and even 
emancipated slaves. He divided the tribes into a certain number 
of cantons or townships, called demi, which at a later time were 
171 in number. Every Athenian citizen was obliged to be enrolled 



B.C. 510. 



REFORMS OF CLISTHENES. 



37 



in a decerns, each of which, like a parish in England, administered 
its own affairs. It had its public meetings, it levied rates, and was 
under the superintendence of an officer called Demarchus. 

The establishment of the ten new tribes led to a change in the 
number of the Senate. It had previously consisted of 400 members, 
but it was now enlarged to 500, fifty being selected from each of the 
ten new tribes. The Ecclesia, or formal assembly of the citizens, 
was now summoned at certain fixed periods ; and Clisthenes 
transferred the government of the state, which had hitherto been 
in the hands of the archons, to the senate and the ecclesia. He also 
increased the judicial as well as the political power of the people ; 
and enacted that all public crimes should be tried by the whole 
body of citizens above thirty years of age, specially convoked and 
sworn for the purpose. The assembly thus convened was called 
Helisea and its members Heliasts. Clisthenes also introduced 
the Ostracism, by which an Athenian citizen might be banished 
without special accusation, trial, or defence for ten years, which 
term was subsequently reduced to five. It must be recollected 
that the force which a Greek government had at its disposal was 
very small ; and that it was comparatively easy for an ambitious 
citizen, supported by a numerous body of partisans, to overthrow 
the constitution and make himself despot. The Ostracism was the 
means devised by Clisthenes for removing quietly from the state a 
powerful party leader before he could carry into execution any 
violent schemes for the subversion of the government. Every 
precaution was taken to guard this institution from abuse. The 
senate and the ecclesia had first to determine by a special vote 
whether the safety of the state required such a step to be taken. 
If they decided in the affirmative, a day was fixed for the voting, 
and each citizen wrote upon a tile or oyster-shell * the name of the 
person whom he wished to banish. The votes were then collected, 
and if it was found that 6000 had been recorded against any one 
person, he was obliged to withdraw from the city within ten days ; 
if the number of votes did not amount to 6000, nothing was done. 

The aristocratical party, enraged at these reforms, called in the 
assistance of Cleomenes, king of the Lacedssmonians. Athens was 
menaced by foreign enemies and distracted by party struggles. Clis- 
thenes was at first compelled to retire from Athens ; but the people 
rose in arms against Cleomenes, expelled the Lacedaemonians, who 
had taken possession of the city, and recalled Clisthenes. There- 
upon Cleomenes collected a Peloponnesian army in order to establish 
Isagoras as a tyrant over the Athenians, and at the same time he 
concerted measures with the Thebans and the Chalcidians of 
* Osfraenn, whence the name Ostracism. 



38 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. V, 



Eubcea for a simultaneous attack upon Attica. The Peloponnesian 
army, commanded by the two kings, Cleomenes and Deinaratus, 
entered Attica, and advanced as far as Eleusis ; but when the allies 
became aware of the object for which they had been summoned, 
they refused to march farther, and strongly protested against the 
attempt to establish a tyranny at Athens. Their remonstrances 
being seconded by Demaratus, Cleomenes found it necessary to 
abandon the expedition and return home. At a later period (b.c. 
491) Cleomenes took revenge upon Demaratus by persuading the 
Spartans to depose him upon the ground of illegitimacy. The 
exiled king took refuge at the Persian court. 

The unexpected retreat of the Peloponnesian army delivered the 
Athenians from their most formidable enemy, and they lost no time 
in turning their arms against their other foes. Marching into 
Bceotia, they defeated the Thebans, and then crossed over into 
Eubcea, where they gained a decisive victory over the Chalcidians. 
In order to secure their dominion in Eubcea, and at the same time 
to provide for their poorer citizens, the Athenians distributed the 
estates of the wealthy Chalcidian landowners among 4000 of their 
citizens, who settled in the country under the name of Cleruchi. 

The successes of Athens excited the jealousy of the Spartans, 
and they now resolved to make a third attempt to overthrow the 
Athenian democracy. They had meantime discovered the decep- 
tion w r hich had been practised upon them by the Delphic oracle ; 
and they invited Hippias to come from Sigeum to Sparta, in order 
to restore him to Athens. The experience of the last campaign 
had taught them that they could not calculate upon the co-opera- 
tion of their allies without first obtaining their approval of the 
project ; and they therefore summoned deputies from all their 
allies to meet at Sparta, in order to determine respecting the 
restoration of Hippias. But the proposal was received with 
universal repugnance ; and the Spartans found it necessary to 
abandon their project. Hippias returned to Sigeiun, and after- 
wards proceeded to the court of Darius. 

Athens had now entered upon her glorious career. The institu- 
tions of Clisthenes had given her citizens a personal interest in the 
welfare and the grandeur of their country. A spirit of the warmest 
patriotism rapidly sprang up among them ; and the history of 
the Persian wars, which followed almost immediately, exhibits 
a striking proof of the heroic sacrifices which they were prepared 
to make for the liberty and independence of their state. 



Site of Kphesus. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE GEEEK COLONIES. 

The vast number of the Greek colonies, their wide-spread dif- 
fusion over all parts of the Mediterranean, which thus became a 
kind of Grecian lake, and their rapid growth in wealth, power, 
and intelligence, afford the most striking proofs of the greatness 
of this wonderful people. Civil dissensions and a redundant 
population were the chief causes of the origin of most of the 
Greek colonies. They were usually undertaken with the appro- 
bation of the cities from which they issued, and under the ma- 
nagement of leaders appointed by them. But a Greek colony was 
always considered politically independent of the mother-city and 
emancipated from its control. The only connexion between them 
was one of filial affection and of common religious ties. Almost 
every colonial Greek city was built upon the sea-coast, and the 
site usually selected contained a hill sufficiently lofty to form an 
acropolis. 

The Grecian colonies may be arranged in four groups : 1. Those 
founded in Asia Minor and the adjoining islands ; 2. Those in the 
western parts of the Mediterranean, in Italy, Sicily, Gaul, and 
Spain; 3. Those in Africa; 4. Those in Epirus, Macedonia, and 
Thrace. 



40 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. VI. 



1. The eailiest Greek colonies were those founded on the 
western shores of Asia Minor. They "were divided into three 
great masses, each bearing the name of that section of the Greek 
race with which they claimed affinity. The iEolic cities covered 
the northern part of this coast, together with the islands of Lesbos 
and Tenedos ; the Ionians occupied the centre, with the islands 
of Chios and Samos ; and the Dorians the southern portion, with 




Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Asia Minor. 



B.C. 735-600. 



THE GREEK COLONIES. 



41 



the islands of Khodes and Cos. Most of these colonies were 
founded in consequence of the changes in the population of 
Greece which attended the conquest of Peloponnesus by the 
Dorians. The Ionic cities were early distinguished by a spirit of 
commercial enterprise, and soon rose superior in wealth and in 
power to their iEolian and Dorian neighbours. Among the Ionic 
cities themselves Miletus and Ephesus were the most nourishing. 
Grecian literature took its rise in the iEolic and Ionic cities of 
Asia Minor. Homer was probably a native of Smyrna. Lyric 
poetry flourished in the island of Lesbos, where Sappho and 
Alcseus were born. The Ionic cities were also the seats of the 
earliest schools of Grecian philosophy. Thales, who founded the 
Ionic school of philosophy, was a native of Miletus. Halicarnassus 
was one of the most important of the Doric cities, of which Hero- 
dotus was a native, though he wrote in the Ionic dialect. 

2. The earliest Grecian settlement in Italy was Cuma3 in Cam- 
pania, situated near Cape Misenum, on the Tyrrhenian sea. It 
is said to have been a joint colony from the iEolic Cyme in Asia 
and from Chalcis in Euboea, and to have been founded, according 
to the common chronology, in B.C. 1050. Cuma3 was for a long 
time the most flourishing city in Campania ; and it was not till its 
decline in the fifth century before the Christian era that Capua 
rose into importance. 




Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Sicily. 



4-: 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. VI. 



The earliest Grecian settlement in Sicily was founded in B.C. 
735. The extraordinary fertility of the land soon attracted nu- 
merous colonists from various parts of Greece, and there arose on 
the coasts of Sicily a succession of flourishing cities. Of these, 
Syracuse and Agrigentuni, Loth Dorian colonies, became the most 
powerful. The former was founded by the Corinthians in b.c. 734, 
and at the time of its greatest prosperity contained a population 
of 500,000 souls, and was surrounded by walls twenty-two miles 
in circuit. Its greatness, however, belongs to a later period of 
Grecian history. 

The Grecian colonies in southern Italy began to be planted at 
nearly the same time as in Sicily. They eventually lined the whole 
southern coast, as far as Cumse on the one sea and Tarentnm on the 
other. They even surpassed those in Sicily in number and import- 
ance ; and so numerous and nourishing did they become, that the 
south of Italy received the name of Magna Graecia. Of these, two of 
the earliest and most prosperous were Sybaris and Croton, both 
situated upon the gulf of Tarentum, and both of Achaean origin. 
Sybaris was planted in B.C. 720 and Croton in b.c. 710. For two 
centuries they seem to have lived in harmony, and we know 
scarcely anything of their history till their fatal contest in b.c. 510, 
which ended in the ruin of Sybaris. During the whole of this 
period they were two of the most flourishing cities in all Hellas. 
Sybaris in particular attained to an extraordinary degree of wealth, 
and its inhabitants were so notorious for their luxury, effeminacy, 
and debauchery, that their name has become proverbial for a 
voluptuary in ancient and modern times. Croton was the chief 
seat of the Pythagorean philosophy. Pythagoras was a native of 
Samos, but emigrated to Croton, where he met with the most 
wonderful success in the propagation of his views. He established 
a kind of religious brotherhood, closely united by a sacred vow. 
They believed in the transmigration of souls, and their whole 
training was designed to make them temperate and self-denying. 
The doctrines of Pythagoras spread through many of the other 
cities of Magna Graecia. 

Of the numerous other Greek settlements in the south of Italy, 
those of Locri, Ehegium, and Tarentum were the most important. 
Locri was founded by the Locrians from the mother-country in 
b.c. 683. The laws of this city were drawn up by one of its 
citizens, named Zaleucus, and so averse were the Locrians to any 
change in them, that whoever proposed a new law had to appear 
in the public assembly with a rope round his neck, which was 
immediately tightened if he failed to convince his fellow-citizens 
of the necessity of the alteration. Rhegium, situated on the straits 



B.C. 735-600. 



THE GREEK COLONIES. 



43 



of Messina, opposite Sicily, was colonised by the Chalcidians, but 
received a large body of Messenians, who settled here at the close 
of the Messenian war. Anaxilas, tyrant of Ehegium about b.c. 500, 
was of Messenian descent. He seized the Sicilian Zancle on the 
opposite coast, and changed its name into Messana, which it still 
bears. Tarentum was a colony from Sparta and was founded about 
b.c. 708. After the destruction of Sybaris it was the most powerful 
and flourishing city in Magna Greecia, and continued to enjoy great 
prosperity till its subjugation by the Eomans. Although of Spartan 
origin, it did not maintain Spartan habits, and its citizens were 
noted at a later time for their love of luxury and pleasure. 




Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Southern Italy. 



44 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. YL 



The Grecian settlements in the distant conn tries of Gaul and 
Spain were not numerous. The most celebrated was Massalia, the 
modern Marseilles, founded by the Ionic Phocfeans in B.C. 600. 

3. The northern coast of Africa, between the territories of Car- 
thage and Egypt, was also occupied by Greek colonists. The city 
of Gyrene was founded about B.C. 630. It was a colony' from the 
island of Thera in the JEgean, which was itself a colony from 
Sparta. The situation of Cyrene was well chosen. It stood on 
the edge of a range of hills, at the distance of ten miles from the 
Mediterranean, of which it commanded a fine view. These hills 
descended by a succession of terraces to the port of the town, 
called Apollonia. The climate was most salubrious, and the soil 
was distinguished by extraordinary fertility. AYith these advan- 
tages Cyrene rapidly grew in wealth and power ; and its greatness 
is attested by the immense remains which still mark its desolate 
site. Cyrene planted several colonies in the adjoining district, of 
which Barca, founded about B.C. 560, was the most important. 

4. There were several Grecian colonies situated on the eastern 
side of the Ionian sea, in Epirus and its immediate neighbour- 
hood. Of these the island of Corcyra, now called Corfu, was the 
most wealthy and powerful. It was founded by the Corinthians 
about B.C. 700, and in consequence of its commercial activity it 
soon became a formidable rival to the mother-city. Hence a war 
broke out between these two states at an early period ; and the 
most ancient naval battle on record was the one fought between 
their fleets in b.c. 664. The dissensions between the mother-city 
and her colony are frequently mentioned in Grecian history, and 
were one of the immediate causes of the Peloponnesian war. Xot- 
withstanding their quarrels they joined in planting four Grecian 
colonies upon the same line of coast — Leucas, Anactorium, Apol- 
lonia, and Epidamnus. 

The colonies in Macedonia and Thrace were very numerous, 
and extended all along the coast of the ^Egean, of the Hellespont, 
of the Propontis, and of the Euxine, from the borders of Thessaly 
to the mouth of the Danube. Of these we can only glance at 
the most important. The colonies on the coast of Macedonia 
were chiefly founded by Chalcis and Eretria in Eubcea ; and the 
peninsula of Chalcidice, with its three projecting headlands, was 
covered with their settlements, and derived its name from the 
former city. The Corinthians likewise planted a few colonies on 
this coast, of which Potidsea, on the narrow isthmus of Pallene, 
most deserves mention. 

Of the colonies in Thrace, the most nourishing were Selymbria 
and Byzantium, both founded by the Megarians, who appear as an 
enterprising maritime people at an early period. 



Tomb of Cyrus. 
CHAPTEB VII. 

THE PERSIAN WARS. — FROM THE IONIC REVOLT TO THE BATTLE 
OF MARATHON, B.C. 500-490. 

The Grecian cities on the coast of Asia Minor were the neigh- 
bours of an Asiatic power which finally reduced them to sub- 
jection. This was the kingdom of Lydia, of which Sardis was the 
capital. Croesus, the last and most powerful of the Lydian kings, 
who ascended the throne B.C. 560, conquered in succession all the 
Grecian cities on the coast. His rule, however, was not oppres- 
sive, and he permitted the cities to regulate their own affairs. 
He spoke the Greek language, welcomed Greek guests, and re- 
verenced the Greek oracles, which he enriched with the most 
munificent offerings. He extended his dominions in Asia Minor as 
far as the river Halys, and he formed a close alliance with Asty- 
ages, king of the Medes, who were then the ruling race in Asia. 
Everything seemed to betoken uninterrupted prosperity, when a 
people hitherto almost unknown suddenly became masters of the 
whole of western Asia. 



46 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. VII. 



The Persians were of the same race as the Medes and spoke a 
dialect of the same language. They inhabited the mountainous 
region south of Media, which slopes gradually down to the low 
grounds on the coast of the Persian gulf. While the Medes 
became enervated by the corrupting influences to which they were 
exposed, the Persians preserved in their native mountains their 
simple and warlike habits. They were a brave and hardy nation, 
clothed in skins, drinking only water, and ignorant of the com- 
monest luxuries of life. Cyrus led these fierce warriors from their 
mountain fastnesses, defeated the Medes in battle, took Astyages 
prisoner, and deprived him of his throne. The other nations 
included in the Median empire submitted to the conqueror, and 
the sovereignty of Upper Asia thus passed from the Medes to 
the Persians. The accession of Cyrus to the empire is placed in 
b.c. 559. A few years afterwards Cyrus turned his arms against 
the Lydians. took Sard is, and deprived Croesus of his throne 
(b.c. 546). The fall of Croesus was followed by the subjection of 
the Greek cities in Asia to the Persian yoke. They ofYered a 
brave but ineffectual resistance, and were taken one after the 
other by Harpagus the Persian general. Even the islands of 
Lesbos and Chios sent in their submission to Harpagus, although 
the Persians then possessed no fleet to force them to obedience. 
Samoa, on the other hand, maintained its independence, and 
appears soon afterwards one of the most powerful of the Grecian 
states. 

During the reign of Gambyses b.c. 529-521), the son and suc- 
cessor of Cyrus, the Greek cities of Asia remained obedient to their 
Persian governors. It was during this reign that Polycrates. tyrant 
of Samos, became the master of the Grecian seas. The ambition 
and good fortune of this enterprising tyrant were alike remarkable. 
He possessed a hundred ships of war. with which he conquered 
several of the islands ; and he aspired to nothing less than the 
dominion of Ionia, as well as of the islands in the iEgean. The 
Lacedaemonians, who had invaded the island at the invitation of 
the Samian exiles, for the purpose of overthrowing his government, 
were obliged to retire, after besieging Ms city in vain for forty 
days. Everything which he undertook seemed to prosper ; but his 
Ofiinterrnpted good fortune at length excited the alarm of his ally 
Amasis. the king of Egypt. According to the tale related by 
Herodotus, the Egyptian king, convinced that such amazing good 
fortune would sooner or later incur the envy of the gods, wrote to 
Polycrates, advising him to throw away one of his most valuable 
possessions, and thus inflict some injury upon himself. Thinking 
the advice to be good. Polycrates threw into the sea a favourite 



B.C. 559-510. CYRUS, CAMBYSES, DARIUS. 



47 



ring of matchless price and beauty ; but unfortunately it was found 
a few days afterwards in the belly of a fine fish which a fisherman 
had sent him as a present. Amasis now foresaw that the ruin of 
Polycrates was inevitable, and sent a herald to Samos to renounce 
his alliance. The gloomy anticipations of the Egyptian monarch 
proved well founded. In the midst of all his prosperity Polycrates 
fell by a most ignominious fate. Oroetes, the satrap of Sardis, had 
for some unknown cause conceived a deadly hatred against the 
Samian despot. By a cunning stratagem the satrap allured him 
to the mainland, where he was immediately arrested and hanged 
upon a cross (b.c. 522). 

The reign of Darius, the third king of Persia (b.c. 521-485), is 
memorable in Grecian history. In his invasion of Scythia, his fleet, 
which was furnished by the Asiatic Greeks, was ordered to sail up the 
Danube and throw a bridge of boats across the river. The king him- 
self, with his land forces, marched through Thrace ; and, crossing the 
bridge, placed it under the care of the Greeks, telling them that, if 
he did not return within sixty days, they might break it down, and 
sail home. He then left them, and penetrated into the Scythian ter- 
ritory. The sixty days had already passed away, and there was yet 
no sign of the Persian army ; but shortly afterwards the Greeks 
were astonished by the appearance of a body of Scythians, who in- 
formed them that Darius was in full retreat, pursued by the whole 
Scythian nation, and that his only hope of safety depended upon 
that bridge. They urged the Greeks to seize this opportunity of 
destroying the Persian army, and of recovering their own liberty, 
by breaking down the bridge. Their exhortations were warmly 
seconded by the Athenian Miltiades, the tyrant of the Thra- 
cian Chersonesus, and the future conqueror of Marathon. The 
other rulers of the Ionian cities were at first disposed to follow 
his suggestion ; but as soon as Histiseus of Miletus reminded them 
that their sovereignty depended upon the support of the Persian 
king, and that his ruin would involve their own, they changed 
their minds and resolved to await the Persians. After enduring 
great privations and sufferings, Darius and his army at length 
reached the Danube and crossed the bridge in safety. Thus the 
selfishness of these Grecian despots threw away the most favour- 
able opportunity that ever presented itself of delivering their 
native cities from the Persian yoke. To reward the services of 
Histiseus, Darius gave him the town of Myrcinus, near the Strymon. 
Darius, on his return to Asia, left Megabazus in Europe with an 
army of 80,000 men to complete the subjugation of Thrace and of 
the Greek cities upon the Hellespont. Megabazus not only sub- 
dued the Thracians, but crossed the Strymon, conquered the 



43 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. VII. 



Pseonians, and penetrated as far as the frontiers of Macedonia. 
He then sent heralds into the latter country to demand earth and 
water, the customary symhols of submission. These were imme- 
diately granted by Amyntas, the reigning monarch (b.c. 510) ; and 
thus the Persian dominions were extended to the borders of 
Thessaly. Megabazus, on his return to Sardis, where Darius 
awaited him, informed the Persian monarch that Histiseus was 
collecting the elements of a power which might hereafter prove 
formidable to the Persian sovereignty, since Myrcinus commanded 
the navigation of the Strymon, and consequently the commerce 
with the interior of Thrace. Darius, perceiving that the appre- 
hensions of his general were not without foundation, summoned 
Histiasus to his presence, and, under the pretext that he could not 
bear to be deprived of the company of his friend, carried him with 
the rest of the court to Susa. This apparently trivial circumstance 
was attended with important consequences to the Persian empire 
and to the whole Grecian race. 

For the next few years everything remained quiet in the Greek 
cities of Asia ; but about b.c. 502 a revolution in Naxos, one of the 
islands in the iEgean Sea, first disturbed the general repose, and 
occasioned the war between Greece and Asia. The aristocratical 
exiles, who had been driven out of Naxos by a rising of the people, 
applied for aid to Aristagoras, the tyrant of Miletus and the son- 
in-law of Histiseus. Aristagoras readily promised his assistance, 
knowing that, if they were restored by his means, he should be- 
come master of the island. He obtained the co-operation of Arta- 
phernes, the satrap of western Asia, by holding out to him the 
prospect of annexing not only Naxos, but all the islands of the 
iEgean sea, to the Persian empire. He offered at the same time 
to defray the expense of the armament. Artaphernes placed at his 
disposal a fleet of 200 ships under the command of Megabates, a 
Persian of high rank ; but Aristagoras having affronted the 
Persian admiral, the latter revenged himself by privately informing 
the Naxians of the object of the expedition, which had hitherto 
been kept a secret. When the Persian fleet reached Naxos they 
experienced a vigorous resistance ; and at the end of four months 
they were compelled to abandon the enterprise and return to 
Miletus. Aristagoras was now threatened with utter ruin. Having 
deceived Artaphernes, and incurred the enmity of Megabates, 
he could expect no favour from the Persian government, and 
might be called upon at any moment to defray the expenses of 
the armament. In these difficulties he began to think of exciting 
a revolt of Ms countrymen ; and while revolving the project he 
received a message from his father-in-law, Histiseus, urging him to 



B.C. 499. 



BURNING OF SARDIS. 



49 



this very step. Afraid of trusting any one with so dangerous a 
message, Histiseus had shaved the head of a trusty slave, branded 
upon it the necessary words, and as soon as the hair had grown 
again sent him off to Miletus. His only motive for urging the 
lonians to revolt was the desire of escaping from captivity at Susa, 
thinking that Darius would set him at liberty in order to put down 
an insurrection of his countrymen. The message from Histiseus 
fixed the wavering resolution of Aristagoras. He forthwith called 
together the leading citizens of Miletus, laid before them the pro- 
ject of revolt, and asked them for advice. They all approved of 
the scheme, with the exception of Hecatseus, one of the earliest 
Greek historians. Aristagoras laid down the supreme power in 
Miletus, and nominally resigned to the people the management of 
their own affairs. A democratical form of government was esta- 
blished in the other Greek cities of Asia, which thereupon openly 
revolted from Persia (b.c. 500). 

Aristagoras now resolved to cross over to Greece, in order to 
solicit assistance. The Spartans, to whom he first applied, refused 
to take any part in the war ; but at Athens he met with a very dif- 
ferent reception. The Athenians sympathised with the lonians as 
their kinsmen and colonists, and were incensed against the satrap 
Artaphernes, who had recently commanded them to recall Hippias. 
Accordingly they voted to send a squadron of twenty ships to the 
assistance of the lonians ; and in the following year (b.c. 499) this 
fleet, accompanied by five ships from Eretria in Euboea, crossed 
the iEgean. The troops landed at Ephesus, and, being reinforced 
by a strong body of lonians, marched upon Sardis. Artaphernes 
was taken unprepared ; and not having sufficient troops to man the 
walls, he retired into the citadel, leaving the town a prey to the 
invaders. Accordingly they entered it unopposed ; and while en- 
gaged in pillage, one of the soldiers set fire to a house. As most 
of the houses were built of wickerwork and thatched with straw, 
the flames rapidly spread, and in a short time the whole city was 
in flames. The Greeks, on their return to the coast, were overtaken 
by a large Persian force and defeated with great slaughter. The 
Athenians hastened on board their ships and sailed home. 

When Darius heard of the burning of Sardis, he burst into a 
paroxysm of rage. It was against the obscure strangers who had 
dared to burn one of his capitals that his wrath was chiefly directed. 
" The Athenians!" he exclaimed, "who are tliey^ ,% Upon being 
informed, he took his bow, shot an arrow high into the air, saying, 
" Grant me, Jove, to take vengeance upon the Athenians!" And 
he charged one of his attendants to remind him thrice eveiy day at 
dinner, " Sire, remember the Athenians." Meantime the insurrec- 

E 



50 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. VII. 



tion spread to the Greek cities in Cyprus, as well as to those on 
the Hellespont and the Propontis, and seemed to promise perma- 
nent independence to the Asiatic Greeks 5 but they were no match 
for the whole power of the Persian empire, which was soon brought 
against them. Cyprus was subdued, and siege laid to the cities 
upon the coast of Asia. Aristagoras now began to despair, and 
basely deserted his countrymen, whom he had led into peril. Col- 
lecting a large body of Milesians, he set sail for the Thracian 
coast, where he was slain under the walls of a town to which 
he had laid siege. Soon after his departure, his father-in-law, 
Histiaeus, came down to the coast. The. artful Greek not only suc- 
ceeded in removing the suspicions which Darius first entertained 
respecting him, but he persuaded the king to send him into Ionia, 
in order to assist the Persian generals in suppressing the rebellion. 
Artaphernes, however, was not so easily deceived as his master, 
and plainly accused Histiseus of treachery when the latter arrived 
at Sardis. " I will tell you how the facts stand," said Artaphernes 
to Histiteus ; " it was you who made the shoe, and Aristagoras has 
put it on." : Finding himself unsafe at Sardis, he escaped to the 
island of Chios ; but he was regarded with suspicion by all parties. 
At length he obtained eight galleys from Lesbos, with which he 
sailed towards Byzantium, and carried on piracies as well against 
the Grecian as the barbarian vessels. This unprincipled adven- 
turer met with a traitor's death. Having landed on the coast of 
Mysia, he was surprised by a Persian force and made prisoner. 
Being carried to Sardis, Artaphernes at once caused him to be 
crucified, and sent his head to Darius, who ordered it to be honour- 
ably buried, condemning the ignominious execution of the man 
who had once saved the life of the Great King. 

In the sixth year of the revolt (b.c. 495), when several Grecian 
cities had already been taken by the Persians, Artaphernes laid 
siege to Miletus by sea and by land. A naval engagement took 
place at Lade, a small island off Miletus, which decided the fate of 
the war. The Samians deserted at the commencement of the 
battle, and the Ionian fleet was completely defeated. Miletus 
was soon afterwards taken, and was treated with signal severity. 
Most of the males were slain ; and the few who escaped the sword 
were carried with the women and children into captivity (b.c. 494). 
The other Greek cities in Asia and the neighbouring islands were 
treated with the same cruelty. The islands of Chios, Lesbos, and 
Tenedos were swept of their inhabitants ; and the Persian fleet 
sailed up to the Hellespont and Propontis, carrying with it fire 
and sword. The Athenian Miltiades only escaped falling into the 
power of the Persians by a rapid flight to Athens. 



B.C. 490. 



INVASION OF GREECE. 



51 



The subjugation of Ionia was now complete. This was the third 
time that the Asiatic Greeks had been conquered by a foreign 
power : first by the Lydian Crcesus ; secondly by the generals of 
Cyrus ; and lastly by those of Darius. It was from the last that 
they suffered most, and they never fully recovered their former 
prosperity. 

Darius was now at liberty to take vengeance upon the Athenians. 
He appointed Mardonius to succeed Artaphernes as satrap in 
western Asia, and he placed under his command a large arma- 
ment, with injunctions to bring to Susa those Athenians and 
Eretrians who had insulted the authority of the Great King. Mar- 
donius, after crossing the Hellespont, commenced his march 
through Thrace and Macedonia, subduing, as he went along, the 
tribes which had not yet submitted to the Persian power. He 
ordered the fleet to double the promontory of Mount Athos, and 
join the land forces at the head of the gulf of Therma ; but one of 
the hurricanes which frequently blow off this dangerous coast 
overtook the Persian fleet, destroyed 300 vessels, and drowned or 
dashed upon the rocks 20,000 men. Meantime the land forces of 
Mardonius had suffered so much from an attack made upon them 
by a Thracian tribe, that he could not proceed farther. He led 
his army back across the Hellespont, and returned to the Persian 
court covered with shame and grief (b.c. 492). 

The failure of this expedition did not shake the resolution of 
Darius. He began to make preparations for another attempt on a 
still larger scale, and meantime sent heralds to most of the Grecian 
states to demand from each earth and water as the symbol of sub- 
mission. Such terror had the Persians inspired by their recent 
conquest of Ionia, that a large number of the Grecian cities at once 
complied with the demand ; but the Athenians cast the herald into 
a deep pit, and the Spartans threw him into a well, bidding him 
take earth and water from thence. 

In the spring of B.C. 490 a large army and fleet were assembled 
in Cilicia, and the command was given to Datis, a Median, and 
Artaphernes, son of the satrap of Sardis of that name. Warned 
by the recent disaster of Mardonius in doubling the promontory 
of Mount Athos, they resolved to sail straight across the JEgean 
to Eubcea, subduing on their way the Gyclades. These islands 
yielded a ready submission; and it was not till Datis and Arta- 
phernes reached Eubcea that they encountered any resistance. 
Eretria defended itself gallantly for six days, and repulsed the 
Persians with loss; but on the seventh the gates were opened 
to the besiegers by the treachery of two of its leading citizens. 
The city was razed to the ground, and the inhabitants were put in 

e 2 



52 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. VII. 



chains. From Eretria the Persians crossed over to Attica, and 
landed on the ever memorable plain of Marathon, a spot which had 
been pointed out to them by the despot Hippias, who accompanied 
the army. 

As soon as the news of the fall of Eretria reached Athens, 
a cornier had been sent to Sparta to solicit assistance. This was 
promised; bnt the superstition of the Spartans prevented them 
from setting out immediately, since it wanted a few days to the full 
moon, and it was contrary to their religions customs to commence 
a march during this interval. Meantime the Athenians had 
marched to Marathon, and were encamped upon the mountains 
which surrounded the plain. They were commanded, according to 
the regular custom, by ten generals, one for each tribe, and by the 
Polemarch, or third Archon, who down to this time continued to 
be a colleague of the generals. Among these the most distin- 
guished was Miltiades, who, though but lately a tyrant in the Cher- 
sonesus, had shown such energy and ability, that the Athenians 
had elected him one of their commanders upon the approach of 
the Persian fleet. Upon learning the answer which the courier 
brought from Sparta, the ten generals were divided in opinion. 
Five of them were opposed to an immediate engagement with the 
overwhelming number of Persians, and urged the importance 
of waiting for the arrival of the Lacedaemonian succours. Mil- 
tiades and the remaining four contended that not a moment should 
be lost in fighting the Persians, not only in order to avail them- 
selves of the present enthusiasm of the people, but still more 
to prevent treachery from spreading among then ranks. Calli- 
machus, the Polemarch, yielded to the arguments of Miltiades, and 
gave his vote for the battle. The ten generals commanded then 
army in rotation, each for one day ; but they now agreed to sur- 
render to Miltiades their days of command, in order to invest the 
whole power in a single person. While the Athenians were 
preparing for battle, they received unexpected assistance from the 
little town of Platsea, in Bceotia. Grateful to the Athenians 
for the assistance which they had rendered them against the 
Thebans, the whole force of Platsea, amounting to 1000 heavy- 
armed men, marched to the assistance of their allies and joined 
them at Marathon. The Athenian army numbered only 10,000 
hoplites, or heavy-armed soldiers : there were no archers or 
cavalry, and only some slaves as light-armed attendants. Of the 
number of the Persian army we have no trustworthy account, but 
the lowest estimate makes it consist of 110,000 men. 

The plain of Marathon lies on the eastern coast of Attica, at the 
distance of twenty-two miles from Athens by the shortest road. 



B.C. 490. 



BATTLE OF MARATHON. 



53 



It is in the form of a crescent, the horns of which consist of two 
promontories running into the sea, and forming a semicircular bay. 
This plain is about six miles in length, and in its widest or central 
part about two in breadth. On the day of battle the Persian army 
was drawn up along the plain about a mile from the sea, and their 
fleet was ranged behind them on the beach. The Athenians 
occupied the rising ground above the plain, and extended from one 
side of the plain to the other. This arrangement was necessary in 




Plan of the Battle of Marathon. 



order to protect their flanks by the mountains on each side, and to 
prevent the cavalry from passing round to attack them in rear. 
But so large a breadth of ground could not be occupied with so 
small a number of men without weakening some portion of the 
line. Miltiades, therefore, drew up the troops in the centre 
in shallow files, and resolved to rely for success upon the stronger 
and deeper masses of his wings. The right wing, which was the 
post of honour in a Grecian army, was commanded by the Pole- 
march Callimachus ; the hoplites were arranged in the order 



51 



HISTORY OF GEEEfCE. 



Chap. VII. 



of their tribes, so that the members of the same tribe fought 
by each other's side ; and at the extreme left stood the Plateeans. 

Miltiades, anxious to come to close quarters as speedily as 
possible, ordered his soldiers to advance at a running step over the 
mile of ground which separated them from the foe. Both the 
Athenian wings were successful, and drove the enemy before them 
towards the shore and the marshes. But the Athenian centre was 
broken by the Persians, and compelled to take to flight. Mil- 
tiades thereupon recalled his wings from pursuit, and charged the 
Persian centre. The latter could not withstand this combined 
attack. The rout now became general along the whole Persian 
line ; and they fled to their ships, pursued by the Athenians. 

The Persians lost 6400 men in this memorable engagement : 
of the Athenians only 192 fell. The aged tyrant Hippias is said 
to have perished in the battle, and the brave Polemarch Calli- 
machus was also one of the slain. The Persians embarked and 
sailed away to Asia. Their departure was hailed at Athens with 
one unanimous burst of heartfelt joy. Marathon became a magic 
word at Athens. The Athenian people in succeeding ages always 
looked back upon this day as the most glorious in their annals, 
and never tired of hearing its praises sounded by their orators and 
poets. And they had reason to be proud of it. It was the first 
time that the Greeks had ever defeated the Persians in the field. 
It was the exploit of the Athenians alone. It had saved not only 
Athens but all Greece. If the Persians had conquered at Mara- 
thon, Greece must, in all likelihood, have become a Persian 
province ; the destinies of the world would have been changed ; 
and oriental despotism might still have brooded over the fairest 
countries of Europe. 

The one hundred and ninety-two Athenians who had perished 
in the battle were buried on the field, and over their remains 
a tumulus or mound was erected, which may still be seen about 
half a mile from the sea. 

Shortly after the battle Miltiades requested of the Athenians 
a fleet of seventy ships, without telling them the object of his 
expedition, but only promising to enrich the state. Such un- 
bounded confidence did the Athenians repose in the hero of 
Marathon, that they at once complied with his demand. This 
confidence Miltiades abused. In order to gratify a private ani- 
mosity against one of the leading citizens of Paros, he sailed to 
this island and laid siege to the town. The citizens repelled^ all 
his attacks J and having received a dangerous injury on his thigh, 
he was compelled to raise the siege and return to Athens. Loud 
was the indignation against Miltiades on his return. He was 



B.C. 483. BANISHMENT OF ARISTIDES. 



55 



accused by Xanthippus, the father of Pericles, of having deceived 
the people, and was brought to trial. His wound had already 
begun to show symptoms of gangrene. He was carried into court 
on a couch, and there lay before the assembled judges, while his 
friends pleaded on his behalf. They could offer no excuse for his 
recent conduct, but they reminded the Athenians of the services 
he had rendered, and begged them to spare the victor of Marathon. 
The judges were not insensible to this appeal; and instead 
of condemning him to death, as the accuser had demanded, 
they commuted the penalty to a fine of fifty talents. Miltiades was 
unable immediately to raise this sum and died soon afterwards 
of his wound. The fine was subsequently paid by his son Cimon. 
The melancholy end of Miltiades must not blind us to his offence. 
He had grossly abused the public confidence, and deserved his 
punishment. The Athenians did not forget his services at Mara- 
thon, and it was their gratitude towards him which alone saved 
him from death. 

Soon after the battle of Marathon a war broke out between 
Athens and iEgina. This war is of great importance in Grecian 
history, since to it the Athenians were indebted for their navy, 
which -enabled them to save Greece at Salamis as they had already 
done at Marathon. iEgina was one of the chief maritime powers 
in Greece ; and accordingly Themistocles urged the Athenians 
to build and equip a large and powerful fleet, without which 
it was impossible for them to humble their rival. There was at 
this time a large surplus in the public treasury, arising from the 
produce of the silver-mines at Laurium. It had been recently 
proposed to distribute this surplus among the Athenian citizens ; 
but Themistocles persuaded them to sacrifice their private advan- 
tage to the public good, and to appropriate this money to building 
a fleet of 200 ships. 

The two leading citizens of Athens at this period were The- 
mistocles and Aristides. These two eminent men formed a 
striking contrast to each other. Themistocles possessed abilities 
of the most extraordinary kind ; but they were marred by a want 
of honesty. Aristides was inferior to Themistocles in ability, but 
was incomparably superior to him in honesty and integrity. His 
uprightness and justice were so universally acknowledged that 
he received the surname of the "Just." Themistocles was the 
leader of the democratical, and Aristides of the conservative party 
at Athens. After three or four years of bitter rivalry, the two 
chiefs appealed to the ostracism, and Aristides was banished (b.c. 
483). We are told that an unlettered countryman gave his vote 
against Aristides at the ostracism, because he was tired of hearing 
him always called the Just. 




Greek Soulier (From an ancient Vase.) 



CHAPTEE Till. 

THE PERSIAN WARS. — THE BATTLES OF THERMCPYLE, BALAMIR, 
AND PLAT-EA, B.C. 480-479. 

The defeat of the Persians at Marathon served only to increase 
the resentment of Paring. He now resolved to collect the whole 
forces of his empire, and to lead them in person against Athens. 
For three years busy preparations were made throughout his vast 
dominions. In the fourth year his attention was distracted by a 
revolt of the Egyptians ; and before he could reduce them to 
subjection he was surprised by death, after a reign of 37 years 
(b.c. 485;. Xerxes, the son and successor of Darius, had received 
the education of an eastern despot, and been surrounded with 
slaves from his cradle. In person he was the tallest and hand- 
somest man amidst the vast hosts which he led against Greece ; 
but there was nothing in his mind to correspond to this fair 
exterior. His character was marked by faint-hearted timidity and 
childish vanity. Xerxes had not inherited his father's animosity 
against Greece ; but he was surrounded by men who urged him to 
continue the enterprise. Foremost among these was Alardonius, 



B.C. 480. 



INVASION OF XERXES. 



57 



who was eager to retrieve his reputation, and to obtain the 
conquered country as a satrapy for himself. After subduing 
Egypt (b.c. 484), Xerxes began to make preparations for the 
invasion of Greece. For four years the din of preparation sounded 
throughout Asia. Troops were collected from every quarter of 
the Persian empire, and were ordered to assemble in Cappadocia. 
As many as forty-six different nations composed the land-force, 
of various complexions, languages, dresses, and arms. Meantime 
Xerxes ordered a bridge to be thrown across the Hellespont, that 
his army might march from Asia into Europe : and he likewise 
gave directions that a canal should be cut through the isthmus of 
Mount Athos, in order to avoid the necessity of doubling this 
dangerous promontory, where the fleet of Mardonius had suffered 
shipwreck. The making of this canal, which was about a mile 
and a half long, employed a number of men for three years. 

In the spring of b.c. 480 Xerxes set out from Sardis with his 
vast host. Upon reaching Abydos on the Hellespont the army 
crossed over to Europe by the bridge of boats. Xerxes surveyed the 
scene from a marble throne. His heart swelled within him at the 
sight of such a vast assemblage of human beings ; but his feelings 
of pride and pleasure soon gave way to sadness, and he burst into 
tears at the reflection that in a hundred years not one of them 
would be alive. Xerxes continued his march through Europe 
along the coast of Thrace. Upon arriving at the spacious plain of 
Doriscus, which is traversed by the river Hebrus, he resolved to 
number his forces. He found that the whole armament, both 
military and naval, consisted of 2,317,610 men. In his march 
from Doriscus to Thermopylae he received a still further accession 
of strength; and accordingly when he reached Thermopylae the 
land and sea forces amounted to 2,641,610 fighting men. The 
attendants are said to have been more in number than the fighting 
men; but if they were only equal, the number of persons who 
accompanied Xerxes to Thermopylae reaches the astounding figure 
of 5,283,220 ! This number is quite incredible ; but though the 
exact number of the invading army cannot be determined, we may 
safely conclude, from all the circumstances of the case, that it was 
the largest ever assembled at any period of history. 

From Doriscus Xerxes continued his march along the coast 
through Thrace and Macedonia. The principal cities through 
which he passed had to furnish a day's meal for the immense host, 
and for this purpose had made preparations many months before- 
hand. The cost of feeding such a multitude brought many cities 
to the brink of ruin. At Acanthus his fleet sailed through the 
isthmus of Athos, and after doubling the promontories of Sithonia 



53 



HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. VIII. 



and Pallene joined him at the city of Therma, better known by its 
later name of Thessalonica. Thence he continued his march through 
the southern part of Macedonia and Thessaly, meeting with no op- 
position till he reached the celebrated pass of Thermopyla3. 

The mighty preparations of Xerxes had been no secret in Greece • 
and during the preceding winter a congress of the Grecian states 
had been summoned by the Spartans and Athenians to meet at the 
isthmus of Corinth. But so great was the terror inspired by the 
countless hosts of Xerxes that many of the Grecian states at once 
tendered their submission to him, and others refused to take any 
part in the congress. The only people, north of the isthmus of 
Corinth, who remained faithful to the cause of Grecian liberty, 
were the Athenians and Phocians, and the inhabitants of the small 
Boeotian towns of Plataea and Thespise. The other people in 
northern Greece were either partisans of the Persians, like the 
Thebans, or were unwilling to make any great sacrifices for the 
preservation of their independence. In Peloponnesus, the powerful 
city of Argos and the Achseans stood aloof. From the more 
distant members of the Hellenic race no assistance was obtained. 
Gelon, the ruler of Syracuse, offered to send a powerful armament, 
provided the command of the allied forces was intrusted to him ; 
but the envoys did not venture to accept a proposal which 
would have placed both Sparta and Athens under the control of a 
Sicilian tyrant. 

The desertion of the cause of Grecian independence by so many 
of the Greeks did not shake the resolution of Sparta and of Athens. 
The Athenians, especially, set a noble example of an enlarged 
patriotism. They became reconciled to the iEginetans, and thus 
gained for the common cause the powerful navy of their rival. 
They readily granted to the Spartans the supreme command of the 
forces by sea as well as by land, although they furnished two- 
thirds of the vessels of the entire fleet. Then- illustrious citizen 
Themistocles was the soul of the congress. He sought to enkindle 
in the other Greeks some portion of the ardour and energy which 
he had succeeded in breathing into the Athenians. 

The Greeks determined to make a stand at the pass of Thermo- 
pylae, which forms the entrance from northern into southern 
Greece. This pass lies between Mount CEta and the sea. It is 
about a mile in length. At each of its extremities the mountains 
approach so near the sea as to leave barely room for the passage of 
a single carriage. The northern, or, to speak more properly, the 
western Gate, was close to the town of Anthela, where the Am- 
phictyonic council held its autumnal meetings ; while the southern, 
or the eastern Gate, was near the Locrian town of Alpeni. These 



B.C. 480. 



THE PASS OF THERMOPYLAE. 



59 



narrow entrances were called Pylse, or the Gates. The space 
between the gates was wider and more open, and was distinguished 
by its hot springs, from which the pass derived the name of Ther- 
mopylae, or the "Hot-Gates." The island of Euboea is here sepa- 
rated from the mainland by a narrow strait, which in one part is 
only two miles and a half in breadth ; and accordingly it is easy, 
by defending this part of the sea with a fleet, to prevent an enemy 
from landing troops at the southern end of the pass. 




Plan of Thermopylae. 



The Grecian fleet, under the command of the Spartan Eury- 
biades, took up its station off that portion of the northern coast of 
Euboea which faces Magnesia and the entrance to the Thessalian 
gulf, and which was called Artemisium, from a neighbouring 
temple of Artemis (Diana). It was, however, only a small land- 
force that was sent to the defence of Thermopylae. When the 
arrival of Xerxes at Therma became known, the Greeks were upon 
the point of celebrating the Olympic games, and the festival of the 
Carnean Apollo, which was observed with great solemnity at 
Sparta and in other Doric states. The Peloponnesians therefore 
sent forward only 300 Spartans and 3000 hoplites from other Pelo- 
ponnesian states, under the command of the Spartan king Leonidas, 
a force which they thought would be sufficient to maintain the 
pass till the festivals were over. In his march northwards Leonidas 
received additions from the Thespians, Phocians, and Locrians, so 
that he had under his command at Thermopylse about 7000 men. 

Meanwhile Xerxes had arrived within sight of Thermopylae. 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. Y.III. 



He had heard that a handful of desperate men, commanded by a 
Spartan, had determined to dispute his passage, but he refused 
to believe the news. He was still more astonished when a horse- 
man, whom he had sent to reconnoitre, brought back word that 
he had seen several Spartans outside the wall in front of the pass, 
some amusing themselves with gymnastic exercises, and others 
combing their long hair. In great perplexity, he sent for the 
exiled Spartan king Demaratus, who had accompanied him from 
Persia, and asked him the meaning of such madness. Demaratus 
replied, that the Spartans would defend the pass to the death, and 
that it was their practice to dress their heads with peculiar care 
when they were going to battle. Later writers relate that Xeixes 
sent to them to deliver up their arms. Leonidas desired him 
t! to come and take them." One of the Spartans being told that 
" the Persian host was so prodigious that their arrows would 
conceal the sun : " — " So much the better " (he replied), " we shall 
then fight in the shade." 

At length, upon the fifth day, Xerxes ordered a chosen body 
of Medes to advance against the presumptuous foes and bring them 
into his presence. But their superior numbers were of no avail in 
such a narrow space, and they were kept at bay by the long spears 
and steady ranks of the Greeks. After the combat had lasted a 
long time with heavy loss to the Medes, Xerxes ordered his ten 
thousand "Immortals," the flower of the Persian army, to advance. 
But they were as unsuccessful as the Medes. Xerxes beheld the 
repulse of his troops from a lofty throne which had been provided 
for him, and was seen to leap thrice from his seat in an agony of 
fear or rage. 

On the following day the attack was renewed, but with no better 
success : and Xerxes was beginning to despair of forcing his 
way through the pass, when a Malian, of the name of Ephialtes, 
betrayed to the Persian king that there was an unfrequented path 
across Mount (Eta, ascending on the northern side of the mountain 
and descending on the southern side near the termination of the 
pass. Overjoyed at this discovery, a strong detachment of Persians 
was ordered to follow the traitor. Meantime Leonidas and his 
troops had received ample notice of the impending danger. 
During the night deserters from the enemy had brought him the 
news ; and their intelligence was confirmed by his own scouts on 
the hills. His resolution was at once taken. As a Spartan he was 
bound to conquer or to die in the post assigned to him ; and he was 
the more ready to sacrifice his life, since an oracle had declared 
that either Sparta itself or a Spartan king must perish by the 
Persian arms. His three hundred comrades were fully equal to the 



B.C. 480. 



BATTLE OF ARTEMISIUM. 



61 



same heroism which actuated their king ; and the seven hundred 
Thespians resolved to share the fate of this gallant band. He 
allowed the rest of the allies to retire, with the exception of four 
hundred Boeotians, whom he retained as hostages. Xerxes delayed 
his attack till the middle of the day, when it was expected that the 
detachment sent across the mountain would arrive at the rear 
of the pass. But Leonidas and his comrades, only anxious to 
sell their lives as dearly as possible, did not wait to receive the 
attack of the Persians, but advanced into the open space in front of 
the pass, and charged the enemy with desperate valour. Numbers 
of the Persians were slain ; many were driven into the neighbouring 
sea ; and others again were trampled to death by the vast hosts 
behind them. As long as the Greeks could maintain their ranks 
they repelled every attack ; but when their spears were broken, and 
they had only their swords left, the enemy began to press in 
between them. Leonidas was one of the first that fell, and around 
his body the battle raged fiercer than ever. The Persians made 
the greatest efforts to obtain possession of it ; but four times they 
were driven back by the Greeks with great slaughter. At length, 
thinned in numbers, and exhausted by fatigue and wounds, this 
noble band retired within the pass, and seated themselves on a 
hillock. Meanwhile the Persian detachment, which had been sent 
across the mountains, began to enter the pass from the south. The 
Spartan heroes were now surrounded on every side, overwhelmed 
with a shower of missiles, and killed to a man. 

On the hillock, where the Greeks made their last stand, a marble 
lion was set up in honour of Leonidas. Another monument, erected 
near the spot, contained the memorable inscription : — 

" Go, tell the Spartans, thou that passest by, 
That here obedient to their laws we lie." 

While Leonidas had been fighting at Thermopylae, the Greek 
fleet had also been engaged with the Persians at Artemisimn. 
The Persian fleet set sail from the gulf of Therma, and arrived 
in one day at almost the southern corner of Magnesia. In this 
position they were overtaken by a sudden hurricane, which blew 
upon the shore with irresistible fury. For three days and three 
nights the tempest raged without intermission ; and when calm at 
length returned, the shore was seen strewed for many miles with 
wrecks and corpses. At least four hundred ships of war were 
destroyed, together with a countless number of transports, stores, 
and treasures. The Greek fleet had been seized with a panic 
terror at the approach of the Persians, and retreated to Chalcis 
in the narrowest part of the Eubcean straits ; but upon hearing 



62 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. VIII. 



of the disaster of the Persian fleet, they took courage, and sailed 
back with the utmost speed to their former station at Artemisium. 
Being now encouraged to attack the enemy, they gained some 
success. On the following night another terrific storm burst upon 
the Persians. All night long it blew upon the Thessalian coast at 
Aphetae, where the Persian ships were stationed, thus causing little 
inconvenience to the Greeks upon the opposite shore. Notwith- 
standing these losses, the Persian fleet still had a vast superiority of 
numbers, and determined to offer battle to the Greeks. Quitting 
the Thessalian coast, they sailed towards Artemisium in the form 
of a crescent. The Greeks kept near the shore, to prevent the 
Persians from bringing their whole fleet into action. The battle 
raged furiously the whole day, and each side fought with deter- 
mined valour. Both parties suffered severely; and though the 
Persians lost a greater number of ships and men, yet so many 
of the Greek vessels were disabled that they found it would be 
impossible to renew the combat. Under these circumstances the 
Greek commanders saw that it would be necessary to retreat ; 
and their determination was hastened by the news which they 
now received, that Leonidas and his companions had fallen, and 
that Xerxes was master of the pass of Thermopylae. Having 
sailed through, the Eubcean strait, the fleet doubled the pro- 
montory of Sunium, and did not stop till it reached the island of 
Sal amis. 

Meanwhile the Peloponnesians had abandoned Attica and the 
adjoining states to their fate, whilst they strained every nerve 
to secure themselves by fortifying the isthmus of Corinth. The 
Athenians, relying upon the march of a Peloponnesian army into 
Bceotia, had taken no measures for the security of their families 
and property, and beheld with terror and dismay the barbarian host 
in full march towards their city. In six days it was calculated 
Xerxes would be at Athens — a short space to remove the popu- 
lation of a whole city : but fear and necessity work wonders. 
Before the six days had elapsed, all who were willing to abandon 
their homes had been safely transported, some to JEgina, and 
others to Trcezen in Peloponnesus ; but many could not be induced 
to proceed farther than Salamis. It was necessary for Themistocles 
to use all his art and all his eloquence on this occasion. The 
oracle at Delphi had told the Athenians that "the divine Salamis 
would make women childless," — yet, "when all was lost, a wooden 
wall should still shelter the Athenians." Themistocles told his 
countrymen that these words clearly indicated a fleet and a naval 
victory .as the only means of safety. Some however gave to the 
words another meaning ; and a few, especially among the aged and 



B.C. 480. 



BATTLE OF SALAMIb. 



63 



the poor, resolved to shut themselves up in the Acropolis, and to 
fortify its accessible or western front with barricades of timber. 

On his march towards Athens, Xerxes sent a detachment of 
his army to take and plunder Delphi. But this attempt proved 
unsuccessful. The god of the most renowned oracle of the Gre- 
cian world vindicated at once the majesty of his sanctuary and the 
truth of his predictions. As the Persians climbed the rugged path 
at the foot of Mount Parnassus, leading up to the shrine, thunder 
was heard to roll, and two crags, suddenly detaching themselves 
from the mountain, rolled down upon the Persians, and spread 
dismay and destruction in their ranks. Seized with a sudden 
panic, they turned and fled, pursued, as they said, by two warriors 
of superhuman size and prowess, who had assisted the Delphians in 
defending their temple. 

On arriving before Athens, Xerxes found the Acropolis occupied 
by a handful of desperate citizens, who made a brave resistance : 
but they were overpowered and put to the sword. The temples 
and houses on the Acropolis were pillaged and burnt ; and Xerxes 
thus became undisputed master of Athens. 

About the same time the Persian fleet arrived in the bay of 
Phalerum. Its strength is not accurately known, but it must have 
exceeded 1000 vessels. The combined Grecian fleet at Salamis 
consisted of 366 ships, of which 200 were Athenian. 

At this critical juncture dissension reigned in the Grecian fleet. 
In the council of war which had been summoned by Eurybiades, 
the Spartan commander, Themistocles urged the assembled chiefs 
to remain at Salamis, and give battle to the Persians in the narrow 
straits, where the superior numbers of the Persians would be of less 
consequence. The Peloponnesian commanders, on the other hand, 
were anxious that the fleet shoidd be removed to the isthmus of 
Corinth, and thus be put in communication with their land-forces. 
The council came to a vote in favour of retreat ; but Themistocles 
prevailed upon Eurybiades to convene another assembly upon the 
following day. When the council met, the Peloponnesian com- 
manders loudly expressed their dissatisfaction at seeing a debate 
re-opened which they had deemed concluded. Adimantus, the 
Corinthian admiral, broke out into open rebukes and menaces. 
*' Themistocles," he exclaimed, "those who rise at the public games 
before the signal are whipped." "True," replied Themistocles; 
"but they who ; lag behind it never win a crown." Another 
incident in this discussion has been immortalized by Plutarch. 
Eurybiades, incensed by the language of Themistocles, lifted up 
his stick to strike him, whereupon the Athenian exclaimed, 
" Strike, but hear me ! " Themistocles repeated his arguments and 



64 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. VIII. 



entreaties; and at length threatened that lie and the Athenians 
would sail away to Italy and there found a new city, if the 
Peloponnesians still determined to retreat. Eurybiades now gave 
way and issued orders for the fleet to remain and fight at Salamis ; 
but the Peloponnesians obeyed the order with reluctance. A 
third council was summoned : and Themistocles, perceiving that 
the decision of the assembly would be against Mm, determined to 
effect his object by stratagem. He secretly despatched a trusty 
slPvve with a message to Xerxes, representing the dissensions which 
prevailed in the Grecian fleet, and how easy a matter it would be 
to surround and vanquish an armament both small and disunited. 
Xerxes readily adopted the suggestion, and ordered his captains 
to close up the straits of Salamis at both ends during the night. 
On the council assembling in the morning, Aristides arrived with 
the news that the Grecian fleet was completely surrounded by 
that of the Persians, and that retreat was no longer possible. 
As the veil of night rolled gradually away, the Persian fleet was 
discovered stretching as far as the eye could reach along the coast 
of Attica. The Grecian fleet, being concentrated in the harbour 
of Salamis, was thus surrounded by the Persians. Xerxes had 
caused a lofty throne to be erected upon one of the projecting 
declivities of Mount iEgaleos, opposite the harbour of Salamis, 
whence he could survey the combat, and stimulate by his presence 
the courage of his men. 

As a battle was now inevitable the Grecian commanders lost no 
time in making preparations for the encounter. The Greek 
seamen embarked with alacrity, encouraging one another to deliver 
their country, their wives, and children, and the temples of their 
gods, from the grasp of the barbarians. History has preserved 
to us but few details of the engagement. The Persian fleet, 
with the exception of some of the Ionic contingents, fought with 
courage. But the very numbers on which they so confidently 
relied, proved one of the chief causes of their defeat. Too 
crowded either to advance or to retreat, their oars broken or 
impeded by collision with one another, their fleet lay like an inert 
and lifeless mass upon the water, and fell an easy prey to the 
Greeks. A single incident will illustrate the terror and confusion 
winch reigned among the Persians. Artemisia, queen of Hali- 
carnassus in Caria, distinguished herself in it by deeds of daring 
bravery. At length she turned and fled, pursued by an Athenian 
galley. Full in her course lay the vessel of a Carian prince. 
Instead of avoiding, she struck and sunk it, sending her country- 
man and all his crew to the bottom . The captain of the Athenian 
galley, believing from this act that she was a deserter from the 



B C. 480. 



RETREAT OF XERXES. 



65 



Persian cause, suffered her to escape. Xerxes, who from his lofty 
throne beheld the feat of the Halicarnassian queen, but who 
imagined that the sunken ship belonged to the Greeks, was filled 
with admiration at her courage, and exclaimed — "My men are 
become women, my women men ! " 

Two hundred of the Persian ships were destroyed and sunk, 
when night put an end to the engagement. But notwithstanding 
this loss the fleet was still formidable by its numbers. The 
Greeks themselves did not regard the victory as decisive, and 
prepared to renew the combat. But the pusillanimity of Xerxes 
relieved them from all further anxiety. He became alarmed 
for his own personal safety ; and his whole care was now centred 
on securing his retreat by land. The best troops were disembarked 
from the ships, and marched towards the Hellespont, in order to 
secure the bridge, whilst the fleet itself was ordered to make 
for Asia. These dispositions of Xerxes were prompted by Mar- 
donius. He represented to his master that the defeat, after ail, 
was but slight ; that having attained one of the great objects of the 
expedition by the capture of Athens, he might now retire with 
honour, and even with glory ; and that for the rest he (Mardonius) 
would undertake to complete the conquest of Greece with 300,000 
men. "While the Persian fleet sailed towards Asia, Xerxes set out 




Plan or the Battle of Snlainfs 

F 



66 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. VIII 



on his homeward march. In Thessaly Mardonius selected the 
300,000 men with whom he proposed to conclude the war ; but as 
autumn was now approaching, he resolved to postpone all further 
operations till the spring. 

After forty-five days' march from Attica, Xerxes again reached 
the shores of the Hellespont, with a force greatly diminished by 
famine and pestilence. On the Hellespont he found his fleet, but 
the bridge had been washed away by storms. Landed on the 
shores of Asia, the Persian army at length obtained abundance 
of provisions, and contracted new maladies by the sudden change 
from privation to excess. Thus terminated this mighty but 
unsuccessful expedition. 

Greece owed its salvation to one man — Themistocles. This was 
virtually admitted by the leaders of the other Grecian states, when 
they assembled to assign the prizes of wisdom and couduct. Upon 
the altar of Poseidon, at the isthmus of Corinth, each chief 
deposited a ticket inscribed with two names, of those whom 
he considered entitled to the first and second prizes. But in this 
adjudication vanity and self-love defeated their own objects. Each 
commander had put down his own name for the first prize : for the 
second, a great majority preponderated in favour of Themistocles. 
From the Spartans, also, Themistocles received the honours due to 
his merit. A crown of olive was conferred upon him, together with 
one of the most splendid chariots which the city could produce. 

On the very same day on which the Persians were defeated 
at Salatnis the Sicilian Greeks also obtained a victory over 
the Carthaginians. There is reason to believe that the invasion of 
Sicily by the Carthaginians was concerted with Xerxes, and that 
the simultaneous attack on two distinct Grecian peoples, by two 
immense armaments, was not merely the result of chance. Gelon, 
the powerful ruler of Syracuse, defeated Hamilcar, the Carthagi- 
nian general, with the loss it is said of 150,000 men. 

In the spring of b.c. 479 Mardonius prepared to open the cam- 
paign. He was not without hopes of inducing the Athenians to 
join the Persian alliance, and he despatched Alexander, king of 
Macedon. to conciliate the Athenians, now partially re-established 
in their dilapidated city. His offers on the part of the Persians 
were of the most seductive kind ; but the Athenians dismissed 
irim with a positive refusal, whilst to the Lacedaemonians they 
protested that no temptations, however great, should ever induce 
them to desert the common cause of Greece and freedom. In 
return for this disinterested conduct all they asked was that a 
Peloponnesian army should be sent into Bceotia for the defence 
cf the Attic frontier : a request which the Spartan envoys promised 



B.C. 479. 



BATTLE OF PLATM. 



67 



to fulfil. No sooner, however, had they returned into their own 
country than this promise was completely forgotten. 

When Mardonius was informed that the Athenians had rejected 
his proposal, he immediately marched against Athens, accompanied 
by all his Grecian allies j and in May or June, B.C. 479, about ten 
months after the retreat of Xerxes, the Persians again occupied 
that city. With feelings of bitter indignation against their faith- 
less allies, the Athenians saw themselves once more compelled 
to remove to Salamis. Mardonius took: advantage of his situation 
to endeavour once more to win them to his alliance. Through a 
Hellespontine Greek, the same favourable conditions were again 
offered to them, but were again refused. One voice alone, that of 
the senator Lycidas, broke the unanimity of the assembly. But 
his opposition cost him his life. He and his family were stoned to 
death by the excited populace. In this desperate condition the 
Athenians sent ambassadors to the Spartans to remonstrate 
against their breach of faith, and to intimate that necessity might 
at length compel them to listen to the proposals of the enemy. 
The Spartans became alarmed. That very night 5000 citizens, 
each attended by seven Helots, were despatched to the frontiers ; 
and Ihese were shortly followed by 5000 Lacedaemonian Periceei, 
each attended by one light-armed Helot. Never before had the 
Spartans sent so large a force into the field. Their example was 
followed by other Peloponnesian cities ; and the Athenian envoys 
returned to Salamis with the joyful news that a large army was 
preparing to march against the enemy, under the command of 
Pausanias, who acted as regent for the infant son of Leonidas. 

Mardonius, on learning the approach of the Lacedaemonians, 
abandoned Attica and crossed into Boeotia. He finally took up a 
position on the left bank of the Asopus, and not far from the town 
of Plataea. Here he caused a camp to be constructed of ten fur- 
longs square, and fortified with barricades and towers. Meanwhile 
the Grecian army continued to receive reinforcements from the 
different states, and by the time it reached Boeotia it formed a 
grand total of about 110,000 men. After several days' manoeuvring 
a general battle took place near Plataea. The light-armed undis- 
ciplined Persians, whose bodies were unprotected by armour, main- 
tained a very unequal combat against the serried ranks, the long 
spears, and the mailed bodies of the Spartan phalanx. Mardonius, 
at the head of his body-guard of 1000 picked men, and conspicuous 
by his white charger, was among the foremost in the fight, till 
struck down by the hand of a Spartan. The fall of their general 
was the signal for flight to the Persians, already wearied and dis- 
heartened by the fruitless contest ; nor did they once stop till 

F 2 



63 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. VIII. 



tliey had again crossed the Asopus and reached their fortified 
camp. The glory of having defeated the Persians at Platsea rests 
with the Lacedaemonians, since the Athenians were engaged in 
another part of the field with the Thebans. After repulsing the 
Thebans, the Athenians joined the Lacedaemonians, who had pur- 
sued the Persians as far as their fortified camp. Upon the arrival 
of the Athenians the barricades were stormed and carried, after a 
gallant resistance on the part of the Persians. The camp became 
a scene of the most horrible carnage. The Persian loss was im- 
mense, while that of the Greeks seems not to have exceeded 1300 
or 1400 men. 

It remained to bury the dead and divide the booty, and so great 
was the task that ten days were consumed in it. The booty was 
ample and magnificent. Gold and silver coined, as well as in plate 
and trinkets, rich vests and carpets, ornamented arms, horses, 
camels — in a word, all the magnificence of Eastern luxury. The 
failure of the Persian expedition was completed by the destruction 
of their naval armament. Leotychides, the Spartan admiral, having 
sailed across the ^Egean, found the Persian fleet at Mycale, a pro- 
montory of Asia Minor near Miletus. Their former reverses seem 
completely to have discouraged the Persians from hazarding 
another naval engagement. The ships were hauled ashore and 
surrounded with a rampart, whilst an army of 60,000 Persians lined 
the coast for their defence. The Greeks landed on the very day 
on which the battle of Plataea was fought. A supernatural pre- 
sentiment of that decisive victory, conveyed by a herald's stafi; 
which floated over 'the iEgean from the shores of Greece, is said 
to have pervaded the Grecian ranks at Mycale as they marched to 
the attack. The Persians did not long resist : they turned their 
backs and fled to their fortifications, pursued by the Greeks, who 
entered them almost simultaneously. A large number of the 
Persians perished ; and the victory was rendered still more de- 
cisive by the burning of the fleet. 

The Grecian fleet now sailed towards the Hellespont with the 
view of destroying the bridge ; but hearing that it no longer ex- 
isted, Leotychides departed homewards with the Peloponnesian 
vessels. Xanthippus, however, the Athenian commander, seized 
the opportunity to recover from the Persians the Thracian Cher- 
sonese, which had long been an Athenian possession ; and proceeded 
to blockade Sestos, the key of the strait. This city surrendered in 
the autumn, after a protracted siege, whereupon the Athenians 
returned home, carrying with them the cables of the bridge across 
the Hellespont, which were afterwards preserved in the Acropolis 
as a trophy. 



The Parthenon in its present state 



CHAPTER IX. 

FROM THE END OF THE PERSIAN WARS TO THE BEGINNING OF 
THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR, B.C. 479-431. 

The Athenians, on their return to Attica, after the defeat of the 
Persians, found their city ruined and their country desolate. They 
began to rebuild their city on a larger scale than before, and to 
fortify it with a wall. Those allies to whom the increasing mari- 
time power of Athens was an object of suspicion, and especially 
the iEginetans, to whom it was more particularly formidable, be- 
held her rising fortifications with dismay. They endeavoured to 
inspire the Lacedemonians with their fears, and urged them to 
arrest the work. But though Sparta shared the jealousy of the 
allies, she could not with any decency interfere by force to prevent 
a friendly city from exercising a right inherent in all independent 
states. She assumed therefore the hypocritical garb of an adviser 
and counsellor. Concealing her jealousy under the pretence of 
zeal for the common interests of Greece, she represented to the 
Athenians that, in the event of another Persian invasion, fortified 
towns would serve the enemy for camps and strongholds, as Thebes 
had done in the last war ; and proposed that the Athenians should 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. IX. 



not only desist from completing their own fortifications, but help 
to demolish those which already existed in other towns. 

The object of the proposal was too transparent to deceive so 
acute a statesman as Themistocles. Athens was not yet, however, 
in a condition to incur the danger of openly rejecting it ; and he 
therefore advised the Athenians to dismiss the Spartan envoys 
with the assurance that they would send ambassadors to Sparta to 
explain their views. He then caused himself to be appointed one 
of these ambassadors ; and setting off straightway for Sparta, di- 
rected his colleagues to linger behind as long as possible. At Sparta, 
the absence of his colleagues, at which he affected to be surprised, 
afforded him an excuse for not demanding an audience of the 
ephors. During the interval thus gained, the whole population of 
Athens, of both sexes and every age, worked day and night at the 
walls, which, when the other ambassadors at length arrived at 
Sparta, had attained a height sufficient to afford a tolerable de- 
fence. Meanwhile the suspicions of the Spartans had been more 
than once aroused by messages from the iEginetans respecting the 
progress of the walls. Themistocles, however, positively denied 
their statements ; and urged the Spartans to send messengers of 
their own to Athens in order to learn the true state of affairs, at 
the same time instructing the Athenians to detain them as hostages 
for the safety of himself and colleagues. When there was no 
longer any motive for concealment, Themistocles openly avowed 
the progress of the works, and his intention of securing the inde- 
pendence of Athens, and enabling her to act for herself. The walls 
being now too far advanced to be easily taken, the Spartans found 
themselves compelled to acquiesce, and the works were completed 
without further hindrance. 

Having thus secured the city from all danger of an immediate 
attack, Themistocles pursued his favourite project of rendering 
Athens the greatest maritime and commercial power of Greece. 
He erected a town round the harbour of Piraeus, distant between 
four and five miles from Athens, and enclosed it with a wall as large 
in extent as the city itself, but of vastly greater height and thick- 
ness. Meanwhile an event occurred which secured more firmly 
than ever the maritime supremacy of Athens, by transferring to 
her the command of the allied fleet. 

In the year after the battle of Platsea a fleet had been fitted out 
and placed under the command of the Spartan regent* Pausanias, 
in order to carry on the war against the Persians. After delivering 
most of the Grecian towns in Cyprus from the Persians, this arma- 
ment sailed up the Bosporus and laid siege to Byzantium, which 
was garrisoned by a large Persian force. The town surrendered 



B.C. 478. 



CONFEDERACY OF DEL OS. 



71 



■after a protracted siege ; but it was during this expedition that 
the conduct of the Spartan commander struck a fatal blow at the 
interests of his country. 

The immense booty, as well as the renown, which Pausanias had 
acquired at Platsea, had filled him with pride and ambition. Aftes 
the capture of Byzantium he despatched a letter to Xerxes, offering 
to marry the king's daughter, and to bring Sparta and the rest of 
Greece under his dominion. Xerxes was highly delighted with 
this letter, and sent a reply in which he urged Pausanias to pur- 
sue his project night and day, and promised to supply him with all 
the money and troops that might be needful for its execution. 
But the childish vanity of Pausanias betrayed his plot before it 
was ripe for execution. Elated by the confidence of Xerxes, and 
by the money with which he was lavishly supplied, he acted as if 
he had already married the Great King's daughter. He assumed 
the Persian dress ; he made a progress through Thrace, attended 
by Persian and Egyptian guards ; and copied, in the luxury of his 
table and the dissoluteness of his manners, the example of his 
adopted country. Above all, he offended the allies by his haughty 
reserve and imperiousness. His designs were now too manifest to 
escape attention. His proceedings reached the ears of the Spar- 
tans, who sent out Doreis to supersede him. Disgusted by the in- 
solence of Pausanias, the Ionians serving in the combined Grecian 
fleet addressed themselves to Aristides, whose manners formed a 
striking contrast to those of the Spartan leader, and begged him 
to assume the command. This request was made precisely at 
the time when Pausanias was recalled ; and accordingly, when 
Dorcis arrived, he found Aristides in command of the combined 
fleet (b.c. 478). 

This event was not a mere empty question about a point of 
honour. It was a real revolution, terminated by a solemn league, 
of which Athens was to be the head. Aristides took the lead in 
the matter, for which his proverbial justice and probity eminently 
qualified him. The league obtained the name of " the Confederacy 
of Delos," from its being arranged that deputies of the allies be- 
longing to it should meet periodically for deliberation in the temple 
of Apollo and Artemis (Diana) in that island. Each state was 
assessed in a certain contribution, either of money or ships, as pro- 
posed by the Athenians and ratified by the synod. The assessment 
was intrusted to Aristides, whose impartiality was universally ap- 
plauded. Of the details, however, we only know that the first 
assessment amounted to 460 talents (about 106,000Z. sterling), 
that certain officers called Hellenotamise were appointed by the 



72 



HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. IX. 



Athenians to collect and administer the contributions, and that 
Belos was the treasury. 

Such was the origin of the Confederacy of Delos. Soon after its 
foimation Aristides was succeeded in the command of the com- 
bined tleet by Cimon, the son of Miltiades. 

Pausanias, on his return to Sparta, seems to have been acquitted 
of any definite charges ; but he continued his correspondence with 
Persia, and an accident at length afforded convincing proofs of his 
guilt. A favourite slave, to whom he had intrusted a letter to the 
Persian satrap at Sardis, observed with dismay that none of the 
messengers employed in this service bad ever returned. Gloved 
by these fears, he broke the seal and read the letter, and finding 
Ins suspicions of the fate that awaited him confirmed, he carried 
the document to the ephors. But in ancient states the testimony 
of a slave was always regarded with suspicion. The ephors re- 
fused to believe the evidence offered to them unless confirmed by 
their own ears. For this purpose they directed him to plant him- 
self as a suppliant in a sacred grove near Cape Tsenarus, in a hut 
behind which two of their body might conceal themselves. Pau- 
sanias, as they had expected, anxious at the step taken by his 
slave, hastened to the spot to question him about it. The con- 
versation which ensued, and which was overheard by the ephors, 
rendered the guilt of Pausanias no longer doubtful. They now 
determined to arrest him on his return to Sparta. They met him 
in the street near the temple of Athena Chalcicecus (of the Brazen 
House), when Pausanias, either alarmed by his guilty conscience, 
or put on his .guard by a secret signal from one of the ephors, 
turned and fled to the temple, where he took refuge in a small 
chamber belonging to the building. From this sanctuary it was 
unlawful to drag him ; but the ephors caused the doors to be built 
up and the roof to be removed, and his own mother is said to have 
placed the first stone at the doors. When at the point of death 
from starvation, he was carried from the sanctuary before he pol- 
luted it with his corpse. Such was the end of the victor of Plataca. 
After his death proofs were discovered among his papers that The- 
mistocles was implicated in his guilt. But in order to follow the 
fortunes of the Athenian statesman, it is necessary to take a glance 
at the internal history of Athens. 

The ancient rivalry between Themistocles and Aristides had 
been in a good degree extinguished by the danger which threat- 
ened their common country during the Persian wars. Aristides 
had since abandoned his former prejudices, and was willing to 
conform to many of the democratical innovations of tea rival. The 



B.C. 471. BANISHMENT OF THEMISTOCLES. 



73 



effect of this was to produce, soon after their return to Attica, a 
still further modification of the constitution of Clisthenes. The 
Thetes, the lowest of the four classes of Athenian citizens, were 
declared eligible for the magistracy, from which they had been 
excluded by the laws of Solon. Thus not only the archonship, 
but consequently the Council of Areopagus, was thrown open to 
them ; and, strange to say, this reform was proposed by Aristides 
himself. 

Nevertheless party spirit still ran high at Athens. Cimon and 
Alcmseon were violent opponents of Themistocles, and of their 
party Aristides was still the head. The popularity of Aristides 
was never greater than at the present time, owing not only to the 
more liberal spirit which he exhibited, but also to his great services 
in establishing the Confederacy of Delos. Themistocles had 
offended the Athenians by his ostentation and vanity. He was 
continually boasting of his services to the state ; but worse than 
all this, his conduct was stained with positive guilt. Whilst, at the 
head of an Athenian squadron, he was sailing among the Greek 
islands for the ostensible purpose of executing justice, there is 
little room to doubt that he corrupted its very source by accepting 
large sums of money from the cities which he visited. Party spirit 
at length reached such a height that it was found necessary to 
resort to ostracism, and Themistocles was condemned to a tem- 
porary banishment (b.c. 471). He retired to Argos, where he was 
residing when the Spartans called upon the Athenians to prosecute 
their great statesman before a synod of the allies assembled at 
Sparta, on the ground of treasonable correspondence with Persia. 
Accordingly joint envoys were sent from Athens and Sparta to 
arrest him (b.c. 466). Themistocles avoided the impending danger 
by flying from Argos to Corcyra. The Corcyrseans, however, not 
daring to shelter him, he passed over to the continent ; where, being 
still pursued, he was forced to seek refuge at the court of Admetus, 
king of the Molossians, though the latter was his personal enemy. 
Fortunately, Admetus happened to be from home. The forlorn 
condition of Themistocles excited the compassion of the wife of 
the Molossian king, who placed her child in his arms, and bade 
him seat himself on the hearth as a suppliant. As soon as the 
king arrived, Themistocles explained his peril, and adjured him 
by the sacred laws of hospitality not to take vengeance upon a 
fallen foe. Admetus accepted his appeal, and raised him from the 
hearth ; he refused to deliver him up to his pursuers, and at last 
only dismissed him on his own expressed desire to proceed to 
Persia. After many perils, Themistocles succeeded in reaching in 
safety the coast of Asia. Artaxerxes, the son of Xerxes, was now 



74 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. IX. 



upon the throne of Persia, and to him Theniistocles hastened to 
announce himself. The king was delighted at his arrival, and 
treated him with the greatest distinction. In a year's time, The- 
niistocles, having acquired a sufficient knowledge of the Persian 
language to be able to converse in it, entertained Artaxerxes with 
magnificent schemes for the subjugation of Greece. Artaxerxes 
loaded him with presents, gave him a Persian wife, and appointed 
Magnesia, a town not far from the Ionian coast, as his place of 
residence. After living there some time he was carried off by dis- 
ease at the age of sixty-five, without having realised, or apparently 
attempted, any of those plans with which he had dazzled the Persian 
monarch. Eumour ascribed his death to poison, which he took of 
his own accord, from a consciousness of his inability to perform his 
promises I but this report, which was current in the time of Thu- 
cydides, is rejected by that historian. 

Aristides died about four years after the banishment of The- 
mistocles. The common accounts of his poverty are probably ex- 
aggerated, and seem to have been founded on the circumstances 
of a public funeral, and of handsome donations made to his three 
children by the state. But whatever his property may have been, 
it is at least certain that he did not acquire or increase it by un- 
lawful means ; and not even calumny has ventured to assail his 
well-earned title of the Just. 

On the death of Aristides, Chnon became the undisputed leader 
of the conservative party at Athens. Cimon was generous, affable, 
magnificent ; and, notwithstanding his political views, of exceedingly 
popular manners. He had inherited the military genius of his 
father, and was undoubtedly the greatest commander of his time. 
He employed the vast wealth acquired in his expeditions in 
adorning Athens and gratifying his fellow-citizens. It has been 
already mentioned that he succeeded Aristides in the command of 
the allied fleet. His first exploits were the capture of Eion on 
the Strymon, and the reduction of the island of Scyros 'b.c. 476). 
A few years afterwards we find the first symptoms of discontent 
among the members of the Confederacy of Delos. Xaxos, one of 
the confederate islands, and the largest of the Cyclades, revolted 
in e.g. 466, probably from a feeling of the growing oppressiveness 
of the Athenian headship. It was immediately invested by the 
confederate fleet, reduced, and made tributary to Athens. This 
was another step towards dominion gained by the Athenians, whose 
pretensions were assisted by the imprudence of the allies. Many 
of the smaller states belonging to the confederacy, wearied with 
perpetual hostilities, commuted for a money payment the ships 
which they were bound to supply ; and thus, by depriving them- 



B.C. 464. 



THIRD MESSEMAN WAR. 



75 



selves of a navy, lost the only means by which they could assert 
their independence. 

The same year was marked by a memorable action against the 
Persians. Cimon, at the head of 200 Atlienian triremes, and 
100 furnished by the allies, proceeded to the coast of Asia Minor. 
The Persians had assembled a large fleet and army at the mouth of 
the river Eurymedon in Pamphylia. After speedily defeating the 
fleet, Cimon landed his men and marched against the Persian 
army, which was drawn up on the shore to protect the fleet. The 
land-force fought with bravery, but was at length put to the rout. 

The island of Thasos was the next member of the confederacy 
against which the Athenians directed their arms. After a siege of 
more than two years that island surrendered, when its fortifications 
were razed, and it was condemned to pay tribute (b.c. 463). 

The expedition to Thasos was attended with a circumstance 
which first gives token of the coming hostilities between Sparta 
and Athens. At an early period of the blockade the Thasians 
secretly applied to the Lacedaemonians to make a diversion in their 
favour by invading Attica : and though the Lacedaemonians were 
still ostensibly allied with Athens, they were base enough to comply 
with this request. Their treachery, however, was prevented by a 
terrible calamity which befel themselves. In the year b.c. 464 their 
capital was visited by an earthquake which laid it in ruins and 
killed 20,000 of the citizens. But this was only part of the calamity. 
The earthquake was immediately followed by a revolt of the Helots, 
who were always ready to avail themselves of the weakness of their 
tyrants. Being joined by the Messenians, they fortified themselves 
in Mount Ithome in Messenia. Hence this revolt is sometimes 
called the Third Messenian War (b.c. 464). After two or three 
years spent in a vain attempt to dislodge them from this position, 
the Lacedaemonians found themselves obliged to call in the assist- 
ance of their allies, and, among the rest, of the Athenians. It was 
with great difficulty that Cimon persuaded the Athenians to com- 
ply with this request ; but he was at length despatched to La- 
conia with a force of 4000 hoplites. The aid of the Athenians 
had been requested by the Lacedaemonians on account of their ac- 
knowledged superiority in the art of attacking fortified places. As, 
however, Cimon did not succeed in dislodging the Helots from 
Ithome, the Lacedaemonians, probably from a consciousness of their 
own treachery in the affair of Thasos, suspected that the Athenians 
were playing them false, and abruptly dismissed them, saying that 
they had no longer any occasion for their services. This rude dis- 
missal gave great offence at Athens, and annihilated for a time the 
political influence of Cimon. The democratical party had from the 



7 6 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. IX. 



first opposed the expedition ; and it afforded them a great triumph 
to be able to point to Cimon returning not only unsuccessful but 
insulted. That party was now led by Pericles. A sort of hereditary 
feud existed between Pericles and Cimon ; for it was Xanthippus, 
the father of Pericles, who had impeached Miltiades, the father of 
Cimon. The character of Pericles was almost the reverse of Cimon's. 
Although the leader of the popular party, his manners were reserved. 
He appeared but little in society, and only in public upon great 
occasions. His mind had received the highest polish which that 
period was capable of giving. He constantly conversed with Anax- 
agoras, Protagoras, Zeno, and other eminent philosophers. To oratory 
in particular he had devoted much attention, as an indispensable 
instrument for swaying the public assemblies of Athens. 

Pericles seized the occasion presented by the ill success of Cimon, 
both to ruin that leader and to strike a fatal blow at the aristo- 
cratieal party. He deprived the Areopagus of its chief functions, 
and left it a mere shadow of its former influence and power. He 
rendered the election to magistracies dependent simply upon lot, so 
that every citizen, however poor, had an equal chance of obtaining 
the honours of the state. Other changes which accompanied this 
revolution — for such it must be called — were the institution of paid 
dicasteries or jury-courts, and the almost entire abrogation of the 
judicial power of the Senate of Five Hundred. It cannot be sup- 
posed that such fundamental changes were effected without violent 
party strife. The poet JEschylus, in the tragedy of the Eumenides, 
in vain exerted all the powers of his genius in support of the aris- 
tocratical party and of the tottering Areopagus ; his exertions on 
this occasion resulted only in his own flight from Athens. The 
same fate attended Cimon himself; and he was condemned b> 
ostracism (b.c. 461) to a ten years' banishment. Kay, party vio- 
lence even went the length of assassination. Ephialtes, who had 
taken the lead in the attacks upon the Areopagus, fell beneath 
the dagger of a Boeotian, hired by the conservative party to de- 
spatch him. 

It was from this period (b.c. 461) that the long administration of 
Pericles maybe said to have commenced. The effects of his acces- 
sion to power soon became visible in the foreign relations of Athens. 
Pericles had succeeded to the political principles of Themistocles, 
and his aim was to render Athens the leading power of Greece. 
The Confederacy of Delos had already secured her maritime 
ascendency ; Pericles directed his policy to the extension of her 
influence in continental Greece. She formed an alliance with the 
Thessalians, Argos, and Megara. The possession of Megara was 
of great importance, as it enabled the Athenians to arrest the pro- 



B.C. 448. 



PREDOMINANCE OF ATHENS. 



77 



gress of an invading army from Peloponnesus. iEgina, so long the 
maritime rival of Athens, was subdued and made tributary. The 
Athenians marched with rapid steps to the dominion of Greece. 
Shortly afterwards the battle of (Enophyta (b.c. 456), in which 
the Athenians defeated the Boeotians, gave Athens the command of 
Thebes, and of all the other Boeotian towns. From the gulf of 
Corinth to the straits of Thermopylae Athenian influence was now 
predominant. During these events the Athenians had continued to 
prosecute the war against Persia. In the year b.c. 460 they sent a 
powerful fleet to Egypt to assist Inarus, who had revolted against 
Persia ; but this expedition proved a complete failure, for at the 
end of six years the revolt was put down by the Persians, and the 
Athenian fleet destroyed (b.c. 455). At a later period (b.c. 449) 
Cimon, who had been recalled from exile, sailed to Cyprus with a 
fleet of 200 ships. He undertook the siege of Citium in that island ; 
but died during the progress of it, either from disease or from the 
effects of a wound. Shortly afterwards a pacification was concluded 
with Persia, which is sometimes, but erroneously, called " the peace 
of Cimon." It is stated that by this compact the Persian monarch 
agreed not to tax or molest the Greek colonies on the coast of Asia 
Minor, nor to send any vessels of war westward of Phaselis in Lycia, 
or within the Cyanean rocks at the junction of the Euxine with 
the Thracian Bosporus ; the Athenians on their side undertaking to 
leave the Persians in undisturbed possession of Cyprus and Egypt. 
During the progress of these events, the states which formed the 
Confederacy of Delos, with the exception of Chios, Lesbos, and 
Samos, had gradually become, instead of the active allies of Athens, 
her disarmed and passive tributaries. Even the custody of the fund 
had been transferred from Delos to Athens. The purpose for which 
the confederacy had been originally organised disappeared with the 
Persian peace ; yet what may now be called Imperial Athens con- 
tinued, for her own ends, to exercise her prerogatives as head of 
the league. Her alliances, as we have seen, had likewise been ex- 
tended in continental Greece, where they embraced Megara, Boeotia, 
Phocis, Locris ; together with Troezen and Achaia in Peloponnesus. 
Such was the position of Athens in the year 448 B.C., the period of 
her greatest power and prosperity. From this time her empire 
began to decline ; whilst Sparta, and other watchful and jealous 
enemies, stood ever ready to strike a blow. 

In the following year (b.c. 447) a revolution in Boeotia deprived 
Athens of her ascendency in that country. With an overweening 
contempt of their enemies, a small band of 1000 Athenian hoplites, 
chiefly composed of youthful volunteers belonging to the best 
Athenian families, together with a few auxiliaries, marched under 



78 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. IX. 



the command of Tolmides to put down the revolt, in direct oppo- 
sition to the advice of Pericles, who adjured them to wait and col- 
lect a more numerous force. The enterprise proved disastrous in 
the extreme. Tolmides was defeated and slain near Chseronea ; a 
large number of the hoplites also fell in the engagement, whilst a 
still larger number were taken prisoners. This last circumstance 
proved fatal to the interests of Athens in Bceotia. In order to re- 
cover these prisoners, she agreed to evacuate Bceotia, and to permit 
the re-establishment of the aristocracies which she had formerly 
overthrown. But the Athenian reverses did not end here. The ex- 
pulsion of the partisans of Athens from the government of Phocis and 
Locris, and the revolt of Eubcea and Megara, were announced in 
quick succession. The youthful Pleistoanax, king of Sparta, actually 
penetrated, with an army of Lacedaemonians and Peloponnesian 
allies, as far as the neighbourhood of Eleusis ; and the capital itself, 
it is said, was saved only by Pericles having bribed the Spartan mon- 
arch. Pericles reconquered Eubcea; but this was the only possession 
which the Athenians succeeded in recovering. Their empire on 
land had vanished more speedily than it had been acquired ; and 
they were therefore induced to conclude, at the beginning of B.C. 445, 
a Thirty - Years' Truce with Sparta and her allies, by which they 
consented to abandon all the acquisitions which they had made in 
Peloponnesus, and to leave Megara to be included among the Pelo- 
ponnesian allies of Sparta. 

From the Thirty Years' Truce to the commencement of the Pelo- 
ponnesian war, few political events of any importance occurred. 
During these fourteen years (b.c. 445-431) Pericles continued to 
enjoy the sole direction of affairs. His views were of the most 
lofty kind. Athens was to become the capital of Greece, and the 
centre of art and refinement. In her external appearance the 
city was to be rendered worthy of the high position to which she 
aspired, by the beauty and splendour of her public buildings, by 
her works of art in sculpture, architecture, and painting, and by 
the pomp and magnificence of her religious festivals. All these 
objects Athens was enabled to attain in an incredibly short space 
of time, through the genius and energy of her citizens and the 
vast resources at her command. No state has ever exhibited so 
much intellectual activity and so great a progress in art as was 
displayed by Athens in the period which elapsed between the 
Thirty Years' Truce and the breaking out of the Peloponnesian 
war. She was the seat and centre of Grecian literature. The 
three great tragic poets of Greece were natives of Attica. iEschyius, 
the earliest of the three, had recently died in Sicily; but Sophocles 
was now at the full height of his reputation, and Euripides 



B.C. 440. 



PERICLES. 



79 



was rapidly rising into notice. Aristophanes, the greatest of the 
Grecian comic poets, was also born in Attica, and exhibited plays 
soon after the beginning of the Peloponnesian war. Herodotus, 
the Father of History, though a native of Halicarnassus in Asia 
Minor, resided some time at Athens, and accompanied a colony 
which the Athenians sent to Thurii in Italy. Thucydides, the 
greatest of Greek historians, was an Athenian, and was a young 
man at this period. 

Colonization, for which the genius and inclination of the 
Athenians had always been suited, was another method adopted 
by Pericles for extending the influence and empire of Athens 
The settlements made under his auspices were of two kinds. 
ClerucMes, and regular colonies. The former mode was exclusively 
Athenian. It consisted in the allotment of land in conquered or 
subject countries to certain bodies of Athenians, who continued to 
retain all then- original rights of citizenship. This circumstance, 
as well as the convenience of entering upon land already in a state 
of cultivation, instead of having to reclaim it from the rude condi- 
tion of nature, seems to have rendered such a mode of settlement 
much preferred by the Athenians. The earliest instance which we 
find of it is in the year B.C. 506, when four thousand Athenians 
entered upon the domains of the Chalcidian knights (see p. 38), 
But it was under Pericles that this system was most extensively 
adopted. During his administration 1000 Athenian citizens were 
settled in the Thracian Chersonese, 500 in Naxos, and 250 in 
Andros. The islands of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros, as well as a 
large tract in the north of Euboea, were also completely occupied 
by Athenian proprietors. 

The most important colonies settled by Pericles were those of 
Thurii and Amphipolis. Since the destruction of Sybaris by the 
Crotoniates, in b.c. 509, the former inhabitants had lived dispersed 
in the adjoining territory along the gulf of Tarentum. In b.c. 443 
Pericles sent out a colony to found Thurii, near the site of the 
ancient Sybaris. The colony of Amphipolis was founded some 
years later (b.c. 437), under the conduct of Agnon. 

But Pericles, notwithstanding his influence and power, had still 
many bitter and active enemies, who assailed him through his 
private connections, and even endeavoured to wound his honour by 
a charge of peculation. Pericles, after divorcing a wife with whom 
he had lived unhappily, took his mistress Aspasia to his house, and 
dwelt with her till his death on terms of the greatest affection. 
She was distinguished not only for her beauty, but also for her 
learning and accomplishments. Her intimacy with Anaxagoras, 
the celebrated Ionic philosopher, was made a handle for wounding 



80 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. IX. 



Pericles in his tenderest relations. Paganism, notwithstanding its 
licence, was capable of producing bigots : and even at Athens the 
man who ventured to dispute the existence of a hundred gods with 
morals and passions somewhat worse than those of ordinary human 
nature, did so at the risk of his life. Anaxagoras was indicted for 
impiety. Aspasia was included in the same charge, and dragged 
before the courts of justice. Anaxagoras prudently fled from 
Athens, and thus probably avoided a fate which in consequence of 
a similar accusation afterwards overtook Socrates. Pericles him- 
self pleaded the cause of Aspasia. He was indeed indirectly im- 
plicated in the indictmont ; but he felt no concern except for his 
beloved Aspasia, and on this occasion the cold and somewhat 
haughty statesman, whom the most violent storms of the assembly 
could not deprive of his self-possession, was for once seen to weep. 
His appeal to the jury was successful, but another trial still awaited 
him. An indictment was preferred against his friend, the great 
sculptor Phidias, for embezzlement of the gold intended to adorn 
the celebrated ivory statue of Athena; and according to some, 
Pericles himself was included in the charge of peculation. Whether 
Pericles was ever actually tried on this accusation is uncertain ; 
but at all events, if he was, there can be no doubt that he was 
honourably acquitted. The gold employed in the statue had been 
fixed in such a manner that it could be detached and weighed, and 
Pericles challenged his accusers to the proof. But Phidias did not 
escape so fortunately. There were other circumstances which 
rendered him unpopular, and amongst them the fact that he had 
introduced portraits both of himself and Pericles in the sculptures 
which adorned the frieze of the Parthenon. Phidias died in prison 
before the day of trial. 

The Athenian empire, since the conclusion of the Thirty Years' 
Truce, had again become exclusively maritime. Yet even among 
the subjects and allies united with Athens by the Confederacy of 
Delos, her sway was borne with growing discontent. One of the 
chief causes of this dissatisfaction was the amount of the tribute 
exacted by the Athenians, as well as their misapplication of the 
proceeds. In the time of Aristides and Cimon, when an active war 
was carrying on against the Persians, the sum annually collected 
amounted to 460 talents. In the time of Pericles, although that 
war had been brought to a close, the tribute had nevertheless in- 
creased to the annual sum of 600 talents. Another grievance was 
the transference to Athens of all lawsuits, at least of all public 
suits ; for on this subject we are unable to draw the line distinctly. 
In criminal cases, at all events, the allies seem to have been de- 
prived of the power to inflict capital punishment. Besides all these 



B.C. 435. 



CORCYRA AISD CORINTH. 



causes of complaint, the allies had often to endure the oppressions 
and exactions of Athenian officers, both military and naval, as well 
as of the rich and powerful Athenian citizens settled among them. 

In b.c. 440 Samos, one of the three independent allies already 
mentioned, revolted from Athens ; but even this island was no match 
for the Athenian power. Pericles, who sailed against the Samians 
in person, defeated their fleet in several engagements, and forced 
the city to capitulate. The Samians were compelled to raze their 
fortifications, to surrender their fleet, to give hostages for their 
future conduct, and to pay the expenses of the war. 

The triumphs and the power of Athens were regarded with fear 
and jealousy by her rivals ; and the quarrel between Corinth and 
Corcyra lighted the spark which was to produce the conflagration. 
On the coast of Illyria, near the site of the modern Durazzo, the 
Corcyraeans had founded the city of Epidamnus. Corcyra (now 
Corfu) was itself a colony of Corinth ; and though long at enmity 
with its mother country, was forced, according to the time-hallowed 
custom of the Greeks in such matters, to select the founder of 
Epidamnus from the Corinthians. Accordingly Corinth became 
the metropolis of Epidamnus as well as of Corcyra. At the time 
of which we speak, the Epidamnians, being hard pressed by the 
Illyrians, led by some oligarchical exiles of their own city, applied 
to Corcyra for assistance, which the Corcyrseans, being connected 
with the Epidamnian oligarchy, refused. The Epidamnians then 
sought help from the Corinthians, who undertook to assist them. The 
Corcyrseans, highly resenting this interference, attacked the Corin- 
thian fleet off Cape Actium, and gained a signal victory (b.c. 435). 

Deeply humbled by this defeat, the Corinthians spent the two 
following years in active preparations for retrieving it. The Cor- 
cyrseans, who had not enrolled themselves either in the Lacedae- 
monian or Athenian alliance, and therefore stood alone, were greatly 
alarmed at these preparations. They now resolved to remedy this 
deficiency ; and as Corinth belonged to the Lacedaemonian alliance, 
the Corcyrseans had no option, and were obliged to apply to Athens. 
The majority of the Athenians were ready to comply with their re- 
quest ; but in order to avoid an open infringement of the Thirty 
Years' Truce, it was resolved to conclude only a defensive alliance 
with Corcyra : that is, to defend the Corcyraeans in case their terri- 
tories were actually invaded by the Corinthians, but beyond that 
not to lend them any active assistance. A small Athenian squadron 
of only 10 triremes was despatched to the assistance of the Cor- 
cyraeans. Soon after their arrival a battle ensued off the coast of 
Epirus, between the Corinthian and Corcyraean fleets. After a 
hard-fought day, victory finally declared in favour of the Corinthians. 

G 



82 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. IX. 



The Athenians now abandoned their neutrality, and did all in their 
power to save the flying Corcyrseans from their pursuers. This 
action took place early in the morning ; and the Corinthians prepared 
to renew the attack in the afternoon, when they saw in the distance 
20 Athenian vessels, which they believed to be the advanced guard 
of a still larger fleet. They accordingly sailed away to the coast of 
Epirus ; but rinding that the Athenians did not mean to undertake 
offensive operations against them, they departed homewards with 
their whole fleet. These events took place in the year B.C. 432. 

The Corinthians were naturally incensed at the conduct of 
Athens ; and it is not surprising that they should have watched 
for an opportunity of revenge. This was soon afforded them by the 
enmity of the Macedonian prince Perdiccas towards the Athenians. 
He incited her tributaries upon the coast of Macedonia to revolt, 
including Potidsea, a town seated on the isthmus of Pallene. 
Potidaea, though now a tributary of Athens, was originally a colony 
of the Corinthians, aDd received from them certain annual magis- 
trates. Being urged as well by the Corinthians as by Perdiccas, 
the Potidaeans openly raised the standard of revolt (b.c. 432). A 
powerful Athenian armament was despatched to the coast of Mace- 
donia and laid siege to Potidaea. 

Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians, urged on all sides by the com- 
plaints of their allies against Athens, summoned a general meeting 
of the Peloponnesian confederacy at Sparta. The Corinthians took 
the most prominent part in the debate ; but other members of the 
confederacy had also heavy grievances to allege against Athens. 
Foremost among these were the Megarians, who complained that 
their commerce had been ruined by a recent decree of the Athe- 
nians which excluded them from every port within the Athenian 
jurisdiction. It was generally felt that the time had now arrived 
for checking the power of Athens. Influenced by these feelings, 
the Lacedaemonians decided upon war ; and the congress passed a 
resolution to the same effect, thus binding the whole Peloponnesian 
confederacy to the same policy. This important resolution was 
adopted towards the close of b.c. 432, or early in the following 
year. Before any actual declaration of war, hostilities were begun 
in the spring of b.c. 431 by a treacherous attack of the Thebans 
upon Plataea. Though Boeotians by descent, the Plataeans did not 
belong to the Boeotian league, but had long been in close alliance 
with the Athenians. Hence they were regarded with hatred and 
jealousy by the Thebans, which sentiments were also shared by a 
small oligarchical faction in Plataea itself. The Plataean oligarchs 
secretly admitted a body of 300 Thebans into the town at night ; 
but the attempt proved a failure ; the citizens flew to arms, and in 
the morning all the Thebans were either slam or taken prisoners. 



imsft m If & Lib ba& t \Hlsi.ium 

■ jm OTarns-rrrrr tfo f+ mA A D 



Temple of Nike Apteros (the Wingless Victory), on the Acropolis at Athens. 

CHAPTEE X. 

ATHENS IN THE TIME OF PERICLES. 

At the commencement of the Peloponnesian war Athens was at 
the height of its glory under the brilliant administration of Pericles. 
We may therefore here pause to take a brief survey of the city and 
of its most important buildings. Athens is situated about three miles 
from the sea-coast, in the central plain of Attica. In this plain rise 
several eminences. Of these the most prominent is a lofty insulated 
mountain, with a conical peaked summit, now called the Hill of St. 
George, and which bore in ancient times the name of Lycabettus. 
This mountain, which was not included within the ancient walls, 
lies to the north-east of Athens, and forms the most striking feature 
in the environs of the city. It is to Athens what Vesuvius is to 
Naples, or Arthur's Seat to Edinburgh. South-west of Lycabettus 
there are four hills of moderate height, all of which formed part of 
the city. Of these the nearest to Lycabettus, and at the distance of 
a mile from the latter, was the Acropolis, or citadel of Athens, a 
square craggy rock rising abrutly about 150 feet, with a flat summit 
of about 1000 feet long from east to west, by 500 feet broad from 
north to south. Immediately west of the Acropolis is a second hill 
of irregular form, the Areopagus. To the south-west there rises a 
third hill, the Pnyx, on which the assemblies of the citizens were 
held ; and to the south of the latter is a fourth hill, known as the 



86 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. X. 



Museu m. On the eastern and western sides of the city there ran two 
small streams, which are nearly exhausted before they reach the 
sea, by the heats of summer and by the channels for artificial irri- 
gation. That on the east is the Ilissu3, which flowed through the 




Plan of Athens. 



1. Pnyx Ecclesia. 4. Odeum of Pericles. 

2. Theseum. 5. Temple of the Olympian 
a. Theatre of Dionysus. Zeus. 

southern quarter of the city : that on the west is the Cephissus. 
South of the city was seen the Saronic gulf, with the harbours of 
Athens. 

Athens is said to have derived its name from the prominence 
given to the worship of Athena by its king Erechtheus. The inha- 
bitants were previously called Cranai and CecropidsB, from Cecrops, 
who, according to tradition, was the original founder of the city. 
This at first occupied only the hill or rock which afterwards became 
the Acropolis : but gradually the buildings began to spread over 
the ground at the southern foot of this hill. It was not till the 
time of Pisistratus and his sons (b.c. 560-514) that the city began 
to assume any degree of splendour. The most remarkable building 
of these despots was the gigantic temple of the Olympian Zeus, 



Chap. X. 



CITY OF ATHENS. 



87 



which, however, was not finished till many centuries later. In 
b.c. 500 the theatre of Dionysus was commenced on the south- 
eastern slope of the Acropolis, but was not completed till b.c. 340 ; 
though it must have been used for the representation of plays long 
before that period. 




Ruins of the Temple of the Olympian Zeus. 



Xerxes reduced the ancient city almost to a heap of ashes. 
After the departure of the Persians, its reconstruction on a much 
larger scale was commenced under the superintendence of The- 
mistocles, whose first care was to provide for its safety by the erec- 
tion of walls. The Acropolis now formed the centre of the city, 
round which the new walls described an irregular circle of about 
60 stadia or 1\ miles in circumference. The space thus enclosed 
formed the A sty, or city, properly so called. But the views of 
Themistocles were not confined to the mere defence of Athens : he 
contemplated making her a great naval power, and for this pur- 
pose adequate docks and arsenals were required. Previously the 



ss 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. X. 



Athenians had used as their only harbour the open roadstead of 
Phalerum on the eastern side of the Phaleric bay. where the sea- 
shore is nearest to Athens. But Theniistocles transferred the 
naval station of the Athenians to the peninsula of Piraeus, which 
is distant about 4^ miles from Athens, and contains three natural 
harbours, — a large one on the western side, called simply Tirseus or 
The Harbour, and two smaller ones on the eastern side, called 
respectively Zto. and Munijcliia, the latter being nearest to the city. 
It was not till the administration of Pericles that the walls were 
built which connected Athens with her ports. These were at first 
the outer ur northern Long Wall, which ran from Athens to Piraeus, 
and the Phaleric wall connecting the city with Phalerum. These 
were commenced in B.C. 457. and finished in the following year. 
It was soon found, however, that the space thus enclosed was too 
vast to be easily defended ; and as the port of Phaleruni was small 
and insignificant in comparison with the Piraeus, amd soon ceased 
to be used by the Athenian ships of war, its wall was abandoned 
and probably allowed to fall into decay. Its place was supplied 
by another Long Wall, which was built parallel to the first at a 
distance of only 550 feet, thus rendering both capable of being 
defended by the same body of men. Their height in all proba- 
bility was not less than 60 feet. In process of time the space be- 
tween the two Long Walls was occupied on each side by houses. 

It will be seen from the preceding description that Athens, in 
its larger acceptation, and including its port, consisted of two cir- 
cular cities, the Asty and Piraeus, each of about 7^ miles in circum- 
ference, and joined together by a broad street of between four and 
five miles long. 

Such was the outward and material form of that city, which 
during the period between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars 
reached the highest pitch of military, artistic, and literary glory. 
The latter portion of this period, or that comprised under the 
ascendency of Pericles, exhibits Athenian art in its highest state of 
perfection, and is therefore by way of excellence commonly desig- 
nated as the age of Pericles. The great sculptor of this period — 
perhaps the greatest the world has ever seen — was Phidias, to whom 
Pericles intrusted the superintendence of all the works executed in 
his administration. 

The first public monuments that arose after the Persian wars 
were erected under the auspices of Cimon, who was, like Pericles, 
a lover and patron of the arts. The principal of these were the 
small Ionic temple of Nike Apteros (Wingless Victory';*, and the 
These am, or temple of Theseus. The temple of Nike' Apteros was 
only 27 feet in length by IS in breadth, and was erected on the 



Chap. X. 



MONUMENTS OF CIMON. 



89 



Acropolis in commemoration of Cimon's victory at the Eurymedon. 
A view of it is given at the beginning of this chapter, and its posi- 
tion on the Acropolis, on one side of the Propylaea, is seen in the 




The Theseum restored. 



The Theseum is situated on a height to the north of the Areo- 
pagus, and was built to receive the bones of Theseus, which Cimon 
brought from Scyros in b.c. 469. It was probably finished about 
465, and is the best preserved of all the monuments of ancient 
Athens. It was at once a tomb and temple, and possessed the pri- 
vileges of an asylum. It is of the Doric order, 104 feet in length 
by 45 feet broad, and surrounded with columns. 

But it was the Acropolis which was the chief centre of the archi- 
tectural splendour of Athens. After the Persian wars the Acro- 
polis had ceased to be inhabited, and was appropriated to the 
worship of Athena and to the other guardian deities of the city. It 
was covered with the temples of gods and heroes ; and thus its 
platform presented not only a sanctuary, but a museum, containing 
the finest productions of the architect and the sculptor, in which 
the whiteness of the marble was relieved by brilliant colours, and 
rendered still more dazzling by the transparent clearness of the 



90 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. X 



Athenian atmosphere. It was surrounded with walls, and the 
surface seems to have been divided into terraces communicating 
with one another by steps. The only approach to it was from the 
Agora on its western side. At the top of a magnificent flight of 
marble steps, 70 feet broad, stood the Propylsea, constructed under 




Plan of the Acropolis. 

1. Parthenon. 3. Propviaea. 

2. Ereehtheum. 4. Temple of Nike Apteros. 

5. Statue of Athena Fromachus. 



the auspices of Pericles, and which served as a suitable entrance 
to the exquisite works within. The Propylsea were themselves one 
of the masterpieces of Athenian art. They were entirely of Pen- 
telic marble, and covered the whole of the western end of the 
Acropolis, having a breadth of 168 feet, The central portion of 
them consisted of two porticoes, of which the western one faced the 
city, and the eastern one the interior of the Acropolis, each con- 
sisting of a front of six fluted Doric columns. This central part of 
the building was 58 feet in breadth, but the remaining breadth of 
the rock at this point was covered by two wings, which projected 
26 feet in front of the western portico. Each of these wings was 
in the form of a Doric temple. The northern one, or that on the 
left of a person ascending the Acropolis, was called the Pinacotheca, 
from its walls being covered with paintings. The southern wing 
consisted only of a porch or open gallery. Immediately before 
its western front stood the little temple of Xike Apteros already 
mentioned. 

On passing through the Propylsea all the glories of the Acropolis 
became visible. The chief building was the Parthenon (t. e. House 



Chap. X. 



THE PROPYLiEA — THE PARTHENON. 



91 



of the Virgin), the most perfect production of Grecian architecture. 
It derived its name from its being the temple of Athena Parthenos, 
or Athena the Virgin, the invincible goddess of war. It was also 
called Hecatompedon, from its breadth of 100 feet. It was built 
under the administration of Pericles, and was completed in e.g. 438. 
The Parthenon stood on the highest part of the Acropolis, near 
its centre, and probably occupied the site of an earlier temple 
destroyed by the Persians. It was entirely of Pentelic marble, on 
a rustic basement of ordinary limestone, and its architecture, which 
was of the Doric order, was of the purest kind. Its dimensions 
were about 228 feet in length, 101 feet in breadth, and 66 feet in 
height to the top of the pediment. It consisted of a cella, sur- 
rounded by a peristyle. The cella was divided into two chambers 
of unequal size, the eastern one of which was about 98 feet long, 
and the western one about 43 feet. The ceiling of both these 
chambers was supported by rows of columns. The whole building 
was adorned with the most exquisite sculptures, executed by 




The Propylsea restored. 

A. Pinacotheca. D. Road lending to the centra, entrance. 

B. Temple of Nike - Aptero9. E. Central entrance. 

C. Pedestal of Agnppa. F. Hall corresponding to the Pinacotheca. 

various artists under the direction of Phidias. These consisted 
of, 1. The sculptures in the tympana of the pediments (i. e. the 
inner portion of the triangular gable ends of the roof above the 
two porticoes), each of which was filled with about 24 colossal 
figures. The group in the eastern or principal front represented 



92 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. X. 



the birth of Athena from the head of Zeus, ana the western the 
contest between Athena and Poseidon (Xeptune) for the land of 
Attica. 2. The metopes between the triglyphs in the frieze of 
the entablature (i. e. the upper of the tvro portions into which 
the space between the columns and the roof is divided) were filled 
with sculp tivres in high relief, representing a variety of subjects 
relating to Athena herself, or to the indigenous heroes of Attica. 
Each tablet was 4 feet 3 inches square. Those on the south side 
related to the battle of the Athenians with the Centaurs. One of 
the metopes is figured below. 3. The frieze which ran along out- 
side the wall of the cella, and within the external columns which 
surround the building, at the same height and parallel with the 




The Parthenon restored. 



metopes, was sculptured with a representation of the Panathenaic 
festival in very low relief. This frieze was 3 feet 4 inches in height, 
and 520 feet in length. A small portion of the frieze is also figured 
below. A large number of the slabs of the frieze, together with 
sixteen metopes from the south side, and several of the statues of 
the pediments, were brought to England by Lord Elgin, of whom 
they were purchased by the nation and deposited in the British 
Museum. 

But the chief wonder of the Parthenon was the colossal statue 
of the Virgin Goddess executed by Phidias himself, which stood in 
the eastern or principal chamber of the cella. It was of the sort 
called cliryselepltantine. a kind of work said to have been invented 
by Phidias, in which ivory was substituted for marble in those 



Chap. X, 



THE ERECHTHEUM. 



93 



parts which were uncovered, while the place of the real drapery 
was supplied with robes and other ornaments of solid gold. Its 
height, including the base, was nearly 40 feet. It represented the 
goddess standing, clothed with a tunic reaching to the ankles, with 
a spear in her left hand, and an image of Victory in her right. 

The Acropolis was adorned with another colossal figure of Athena, 
in bronze, also the work of Phidias. It stood in the open air, 
nearly opposite the Propylsea, and was one of the first objects seen 
after passing through the gates of the latter. With its pedestal it 
must have stood about 70 feet high, and consequently towered 
above the roof of the Parthenon, so that the point of its spear and 
the crest of its helmet were visible off the promontory of Sunium 
to ships approaching Athens. It was called the "Athena Pro- 
machus," because it represented the goddess armed, and in the 
very attitude of battle. 




Centaur, from the Metopes of the Parthenon. 

The only other monument on the summit of the Acropolis which 
it is necessary to describe is the Erechtheum, or temple of Erech- 
theus. The traditions respecting Erechtheus vary, but according to 
one set of them he was identical with the god Poseidon. He was 
worshipped in his temple under the name of Poseidon Erechtheus, 
and from the earliest times was associated with Athena as one of 



94 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. X. 



the two protecting deities of Athens. The original Erechtheum 
was burnt by the Persians, but the new temple was erected on the 
ancient site. This could not have been otherwise ; for on this 
spot was the sacred olive-tree which Athena evoked from the earth 
in her contest with Poseidon, and also the well of salt-water which 
Poseidon produced by a stroke of his trident, the impression of 
which was seen upon the rock. The building was also called the 
temple of Athena Polias, because it contained a separate sanctuary 
of the goddess, as well as her most ancient statue. The building 




From the Frieze of the Parthenon. Panathenaic Procession. 



of the new Erechtheum was not commenced till the Parthenon and 
Propyltea were finished, and probably not before the year preceding 
the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war. Its progress was no 
doubt delayed by that event, and it was probably not completed 
before 393 B.C. TThen finished it presented one of the finest models 
of the Ionic order, as the Parthenon was of the Doric. It stood tc 
the north of the latter building, and close to the northern wall of 
the Acropolis. The form of the Erechtheum differs from every 
known example of a Grecian temple. Usually a Grecian temple 
was an oblong figure with a portico at each extremity. The Erech- 
theum. on the contrary, though oblong in shape, and having a 
portico at the eastern or principal front, had none at its western 
end, where, however, a portico projected north and south from 
either side, thus forming a kind of transept. This irregularity 
seems to have been chiefly owing to the necessity of preserving the 
different sanctuaries and religious objects belonging to the ancient 
temple. A view of it is given opposite. The roof of the southern 
portico, as shown in the view, was supported by six Caryatides. 



Chap. X. THE DIONYSIAC THEATRE. 95 




The Erechtheum restored. 



Such were the principal objects which adorned the Acropolis at 
the time of which we are now speaking. Their general appearance 
will be best gathered from the engraving on the Frontispiece. 

Before quitting the city of Athens, there are two or three other 
objects of interest which must be briefly described. First, the 
Dionysiac theatre, which occupied the slope at the south-eastern 
extremity of the Acropolis. The middle of it was excavated out 
of the rock, and the rows of seats ascended in curves one above 
another, the diameter increasing with the height. It was no doubt 
sufficiently large to accommodate the whole body of Athenian citi- 
zens, as well as the strangers who nocked to Athens during the 
Dionysiac festival, but its dimensions cannot now be accurately 
ascertained. It had no roof, but the spectators were probably pro- 
tected from the sun by an awning, and from their elevated seats 
they had a distinct view of the sea, and of the peaked hills of 
Salamis in the horizon. Above them rose the Parthenon and the 
other buildings of the Acropolis, so that they sat under the shadow 
of the ancestral gods of the country. 



96 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. X. 



The Areopagus, or Hill of Ares (Mars), was a rocky height oppo- 
site the western end of the Acropolis, from which it was separated 
only by some hollow ground. It derived its name from the tradi- 
tion that Ares (Mars) was brought to trial here before the assem- 
bled gods, by Poseidon (Xeptune), for murdering Halirrhothius 
the son of the latter. It was here that the Council of Areopagus 
met, frequently called the Upper Council, to distinguish it from 
the Council of Five Hundred, which assembled in the valley below. 
The Areopagites sat as judges in the open air, and two blocks of 
stone are still to be seen, probably those which were occupied 
respectively by the accuser and the accused. The Areopagus was 
the spot where the Apostle Paul preached to the men of Athens. 

The Pnyx, or place for holding the public assemblies of the 
Athenians, stood on the side of a low rocky hill, at the distance of 
about a quarter of a mile from the Areopagus. Projecting from 
the hill, and hewn out of it, still stands a solid rectangular block, 
called the Bema or pulpit, from whence the orators addressed the 
multitude in the area before them. The position of the Bema 
commanded a view of the Propyl^ea and the other magnificent edi- 
fices of the Acropolis, while beneath it was the city itself studded 
with monuments of Athenian glory. The Athenian orators fre- 
quently roused the national feelings of their audience by pointing 
to the Propylsea and to the other splendid buildings before them. 
Between the Pnyx on the west, the Areopagus on the north, and 
the Acropolis on the east, and closely adjoining the base of these 
hills, stood the Agora (or market-place). In a direction from 
north-west to south-east a street called the Ceramicus ran diagon- 
ally through the Agora, entering it through the valley between 
the Pnyx and the Areopagus. The street was named after a dis- 
trict of the city, which was divided into two parts, the Inner and 
Outer Ceramicus. The former lay within the city walls, and 
included the Agora. The Outer Ceramicus, which formed a hand- 
some suburb on the north-west of the city, was the burial-place of 
all persons honoured with a public funeral. Through it ran the 
road to the gymnasium and gardens of the Academy, which were 
situated about a mile from the walls. The Academy was the place 
where Plato and his disciples taught. On each side of this road 
were monuments to illustrious Athenians, especially those who had 
fallen in battle. 

East of the city, and outside the walls, was the Lyceum, a gym- 
nasium dedicated to Apollo Lyceus, and celebrated as the place in 
which Aristotle taught. 




Pericles and Aspasia. 



CHAPTER XL 

THE PE LOPONNE SI AN WAR. — FIRST PERIOD, FROM THE COMMENCE- 
MENT OF THE WAR TO THE PEACE OF NICIAS, B.C. 431-421. 

War was now fairly kindled. All Greece looked on in suspense 
as its two leading cities were about to engage in a strife of which 
no man could foresee the end ; but the youth, with which both 
Athens and Peloponnesus then abounded, having had no expe- 
rience of the bitter calamities of war, rushed into it with ardour. 
It was a war of principles and races. Athens was a champion of 
democracy, Sparta of aristocracy ; Athens represented the Ionic 
tribes, Sparta the Dorian ; the former were fond of novelty, the 
latter were conservative and stationary ; Athens had the command 
of the sea, Sparta was stronger upon land. On the side of Sparta 
was ranged the whole of Peloponnesus, except Argos and Achaia, 
together with the Megarians, Boeotians, Phocians, Opuntian Lo- 
crians, Ambraciots, Leucadians, and Anactorians. The allies of 
Athens, with the exception of the Thessalians, Acarnanians, Mes- 
senians at Naupactus, and Platseans, were all insular, and consisted 
of the Chians, Lesbians, Corcyrteans, and Zacynthians, and shortly 
afterwards of the Cephallenians. To these must be added her 

h 2 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XI. 



tributary towns on the coast;* of Thrace and Asia Minor, together 
with all the islands north of Crete, except Alelos and Thera. 

The Peloponnesians commenced the war by an invasion of 
Attica, with a large army, under the command of the Spartan king 
Archidamus (b.c. ±31]. Pericles had instructed the inhabitants 
of Attica to secure themselves and their property within the walls 
of Athens. They obeyed his injunctions with reluctance, for 
the Attic population had from the earliest times been strongly 
attached to a rural life. But the circumstances admitted of no 
alternative. Archidamus advanced as far as Acharnas, a flourishing 
Attic borough situated only about seven miles from Athens. Here 
he encamped on a rising ground, within sight of the metropolis, and 
began to lay waste the country around, expecting probably by that 
means to provoke the Athenians to battle. But in this he was 
disappointed. Notwithstanding the murmurs and clamours of the 
citizens Pericles remained firm, and steadily refused to venture an 
engagement in the open field. The Peloponnesians retired from 
Attica after still further ravaging the country ; and the Athenians 
retaliated by making descents upon various parts of the coasts of 
Peloponnesus, and ravaging the territory of Megara. 

Such were the results of the first campaign. From the method 
in which the war was conducted it had become pretty evident that 
it would prove of long duration : and the Athenians now proceeded 
to provide for this contingency. It was agreed that a reserve fond 
of 1000 talents should be set apart, which was not to be touched in 
any other case than an attack upon Athens by sea. Any citizen 
who proposed to make a different use of the fund incurred thereby 
the punishment of death. With the same view it was resolved to 
reserve every year 100 of their best triremes, fully manned and 
equipped. 

Towards the winter Pericles delivered, from a lofty platform 
erected in the Ceramicus, the funeral oration of those who had 
fallen in the war. This speech, or at all events the substance of it, 
has been preserved by Thucydides, who may possibly have heard it 
pronounced. It is a valuable monument of eloquence and patriotism, 
and particularly interesting for the sketch which it contains of 
Athenian manners as well as of the Athenian constitution. 

In the following year r B.c. 130) the Peloponnesians, under 
Archidarnus, renewed their invasion of Attica. At the same time 
the Athenians were attacked by a more insidious and a more 
formidable enemy. The plague broke out in the crowded city. 
This terrible disorder, which was supposed to have originated in 
./Ethiopia, had already desolated Asia and many of the countries 
around the Mediterranean. A great proportion of those who were 



B.C. 430. 



THE PLAGUE AT ATHENS. 



101 



seized perished in from seven to nine days. It frequently attacked 
the mental faculties, and left even those who recovered from it so 
entirely deprived of memory that they could recognise neither 
themselves nor others. The disorder being new, the physicians 
could find no remedy in the resources of their art. Despair now 
began to take possession of the Athenians. Some suspected that 
the Peloponnesians had poisoned the wells ; others attributed the 
pestilence to the anger of Apollo. A dreadful state of moral disso- 
lution followed. The sick were seized with unconquerable des- 
pondency ; whilst a great part of the population who had hitherto 
escaped the disorder, expecting soon to be attacked in turn, aban- 
doned themselves to all manner of excess, debauchery, and crime. 
The numbers carried off by the pestilence can hardly be estimated 
at less than a fourth of the whole population. 

Oppressed at once by war and pestilence, their lands desolated, 
their homes filled with mourning, it is not surprising that the 
Athenians were seized with rage and despair, or that they vented 
their anger on Pericles, whom they deemed the author of their 
misfortunes. But that statesman still adhered to his plans with 
unshaken firmness. Though the Lacedaemonians were in Attica, 
though the plague had already seized on Athens, he was vigorously 
pushing his schemes of offensive operations. A foreign expedition 
might not only divert the popular mind, but would prove beneficial 
by relieving the crowded city of part of its population ; and 
accordingly a fleet was fitted out, of which Pericles himself took 
the command, and which committed devastations upon various parts 
of the Peloponnesian coast. But, upon returning from this expe- 
dition, Pericles found the public feeling more exasperated than 
before. Envoys had even been despatched to Sparta to sue for 
peace, but had been dismissed without a hearing ; a disappointment 
which had rendered the populace still more furious. Pericles now 
found it necessary to call a public assembly in order to vindicate 
his conduct, and to encourage the desponding citizens to persevere. 
But though he succeeded in persuading them to prosecute the war 
with vigour, they still continued to nourish their feelings of hatred 
against the great statesman. His political enemies, of whom Cleon 
was the chief, took advantage of this state of the public mind to 
bring against him a charge of peculation. The main object of this 
accusation was to incapacitate him for the office of Strategus, or 
general.* He was brought before the dicastery on this charge, and 

* The Strategi, or Generals, were ten in number, elected annually, and were 
intrusted not only with the command on military expeditions, but with the 
superintendence of all warlike preparations, and with the regulation of al] 
matters in any way connected with the war department of the state. 



K>2 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XI. 



sentenced to pay a considerable fine; but eventually a strong re- 
action occurred in his favour. He was re-elected general, and 
apparently regained all the influence he had ever possessed. 

But he was not destined long to enjoy this return of popularity. 
His life vras now closing in. and its end was clouded by a long 
train of domestic misfortunes. The epidemic deprived him not 
only of many personal and political friends, but also of several near 
relations, amongst whom were his sister and his two legitimate sons, 
Xanthippus and Paralus. The death of the latter was a severe 
blow to him. During the funeral ceremonies, as he placed a garland 
on the body of this his favourite son, he was completely overpowered 
by his feelings and wept aloud. His ancient house was now left 
without an heir. By Aspasia, however, he had an illegitimate son 
who bore his own name, and whom the Athenians now legitimised, 
and thus alleviated, as far as lay in their power, the misfortunes of 
then: great leader. 

After this period it was with difficulty that Pericles was per- 
suaded by his friends to take any active part in public affairs ; nor 
did he survive more than a twelvemonth. An attack of the pre- 
vailing epidemic was succeeded by a low and lingering fever, 
which undermined both his strength of body and vigour of in- 
tellect. As Pericles lay apparently unconscious on his death- 
bed, the friends who stood around it were engaged in recalling 
his exploits. The dying man interrupted them by remarking : 
" What you praise in me is partly the result of good fortune, and 
at all events common to me with many other commanders. What 
I chiefly pride myself upon you have not noticed — no Athenian 
ever wore mourning through me." 

The enormous influence which Pericles exercised for so long a 
period over an ingenious but fickle people like the Athenians-, is an 
unquestionable proof of his intellectual superiority. This hold on 
the public affection is to be attributed to a great extent to his 
extraordinary eloquence. Cicero regards him as the first example 
of an almost perfect orator, at once delighting the Athenians with 
his copiousness and grace, and overawing them by the force and 
cogency of his diction and arguments. He seems, indeed, to have 
singularly combined the power of persuasion with that more rapid 
and abrupt style of oratory which takes an audience by storm and 
defies all resistance. As the accomplished man of genius and the 
liberal patron of literature and art, Pericles is worthy of the highest 
admiration. By these qualities he has justly given name to the 
most brilliant intellectual epoch that the world has ever seen. But 
on this point we have already touched, and shall have occasion to 
refer hereafter in the sketch of Grecian literature. 



B.C. 429. 



SIEGE OF PLATTE A. 



103 



In the third year of the war (b.c. 429) Archidamus directed his 
whole force against the ill-fated town of Platsea. The siege that 
ensued is one of the most memorable in the annals of Grecian 
warfare. Platsea was but a small city, and its garrison consisted 
of only 400 citizens and 80 Athenians, together with 110 women to 
manage their household affairs. Yet this small force set at defiance 
the whole army of the Peloponnesians. The latter, being repulsed 
in all their attempts to take the place by storm, resolved to turn 
the siege into a blockade, and reduce the city by famine. The 
Platseans endured a blockade of two years, during which the 
Athenians attempted nothing for their relief. In the second year, 
however, about half the garrison effected their escape ; but the rest 
were obliged to surrender shortly afterwards (b.c. 427). The 
whole garrison, consisting of 200 Platseans and 25 Athenians, were 
now arraigned before five judges sent from Sparta. Their indict- 
ment was framed in a way which precluded the possibility of 
escape. They were simply asked "Whether, during the present 
war, they had rendered any assistance to the Lacedaemonians and 
their allies?" Each man was called up separately before the 
judgment-seat, and the same question having been put to him 
and of course answered in the negative, he was immediately led 
away to execution. The town of Platsea was transferred to the 
Thebans, who a few months afterwards levelled all the private 
buildings to the ground. Thus was Platsea blotted out from the 
map of Greece (b.c. 427). In recording the fall of Platsea we 
have anticipated the order of chronology. 

The most important event in the fourth year of the war (b.c. 
428) was the revolt of Mytilene, the capital of Lesbos, and of the 
greater part of that island. The Athenians sent out a fleet which 
blockaded Mytilene both by sea and land. The Peloponnesians 
promised their assistance ; but from various causes their fleet was 
unable to reach the place. Meanwhile the provisions of the town 
were exhausted, and it was therefore resolved, as a last desperate 
expedient, to make a sally, and endeavour to raise the blockade. 
With this view even the men of the lower classes were armed 
with the full armour of the hoplites. But this step produced a 
very different result from what had been expected or intended. 
The great mass of the Mytileneans regarded their own oligarchical 
government with suspicion, and now threatened that, unless their 
demands were complied with, they would surrender the city to the 
Athenians. In this desperate emergency the Mytilenean government 
perceived that their only chance of safety lay in anticipating the 
people in this step. They accordingly opened a negociation with 
Paches, the Athenian commander, and a capitulation was agreed 



104 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XI. 



upon by which the city was to be surrendered and the fate of its 
inhabitants to be decided by the Athenian Assembly. 

At Athens the disposal of the prisoners caused great debate. 
It was on this occasion that the leather-seller Cleon first comes 
prominently forward in Athenian affairs. If we may trust the 
picture drawn by the comic poet Aristophanes, Cleon was a per- 
fect model of a low-born demagogue; a noisy brawler, insolent 
in his gestures, corrupt and venal in his principles. Much 
allowance innst no doubt be made for comic licence and exag- 
geration in this portrait, but even a caricature must have some 
grounds of truth for its basis, It was this man who took the lead 
in the debate respecting the disposal of the Mytileneans, and 
made the savage and horrible proposal to put to death the icliole 
male population of Mytilene of military age, and to sell the 
women and children into slavery. This motion he succeeded 
iu carrying, and a trireme was immediately despatched to 
Mytilene, conveying orders to Paches to carry the bloody decree 
into execution. This barbarous decree made no discrimination 
between the innocent and the guilty ; and on the morrow so 
general a feeling prevailed of the horrible injustice that had been 
committed, that the magistrates acceded to the prayer of the 
Mytilenean envoys and called a fresh assembly. Notwithstanding 
the violent opposition of Cleon, the majority of the assembly 
reversed their former decree and resolved that the Mytileneans 
already in custody should be put upon their trial, hut that 
the remainder of the population should be spared. A second 
trireme was immediately despatched to Mytilene, with orders 
to Paches to arrest the execution. The utmost diligence was 
needful. The former trireme had a start of four-and-twenty 
hours, and nothing but exertions almost superhuman would 
enable the second to reach Mytilene early enough to avert the 
tragical catastrophe. The oarsmen were allowed by turns only 
short intervals of rest, and took their food, consisting of barley- 
meal steeped in wine and oil, as they sat at the oar. Happily the 
weather proved favourable ; and the crew, who had been promised 
large rewards in case they arrived in time, exerted themselves 
to deliver the reprieve, whilst the crew of the preceding vessel 
had conveyed the order for execution with slowness and reluc- 
tance. Yet even so the countermand came only just in time. 
The mandate was already in the hands of Paches, who was 
taking measures for its execution. The fortifications of Mytilene' 
were razed, and her fleet delivered up to the Athenians. 

The fate of the Plateaus and Mytileneans affords a fearful 
illustration of the manners of the age ; but these horrors soon 



B.C. 428. 



CONQUEST OF MYTILENE. 



105 



found a parallel in Corcyra. A fearful struggle took place in 
this island between the aristocratical and democratical parties. 
The people at length obtained the mastery, and the vengeance 
which they took on their opponents was fearful. The most sacred 
sanctuaries afforded no protection ; the nearest ties of blood and 
kindred were sacrificed to civil hatred. In one case a father slew 
even his own son. These scenes of horror lasted for seven days, 
during which death in every conceivable form was busily at work. 
The seventh year of the war (b.c. 425) was marked by an 
important event. An Athenian fleet was detained by bad weather 
at Pylus in Messenia, on the modern bay of Navarino. Demo- 




Bay of Pylus. 

A. Island of Sphactcria. B. Pylus. C. The modern Navarmo. D D. Bay ol Pylus.' 
E. Promontory of Coryphasium. 

sthenes, an active Athenian officer, who was on board the fleet, 
thought it an eligible spot on which to establish some of the 
Messenians from Naupactus, since it was a strong position, from 



106 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chai. XI. 



which they might annoy the Lacedemonians, and excite revolt 
among their Helot kinsmen. As the had weather continued for 
some time, the soldiers on board amused themselves, under 
the directions of Demosthenes, in constructing a sort of rude 
fortification. The nature of the ground was favourable for the 
work, and in rive or six days a wall was thrown up sufficient 
for the purposes of defence. Demosthenes undertook to garrison 
the place ; and five ships and 200 hoplites were left behind with 
him. 

This insult to the Lacedaemonian territory caused great alarm 
and indignation at Sparta. The Peloponnesian fleet was ordered 
to Pylus ; and the Lacedaemonian commander, on arming with 
the fleet, immediately occupied the small uninhabited and densely 
wooded island of Sphacteria, which, with the exception of two 
narrow channels on the north and south, almost blocked up 
the entrance of the bay. Between the island and the mainland 
was a spacious basin, in which the fleet took up its station. The 
Lacedaemonians lost no time in attacking the fortress : but not- 
withstanding their repeated attempts they were unable to effect 
a landing. 

Whilst they were preparing for another assault, they were 
surprised by the appearance of the Athenian fleet. They had 
strangely neglected to secure the entrances into the bay : and, 
when the Athenian ships came sailing through both the un- 
defended channels, many of their triremes were still moored, 
and part of their crews ashore. The battle which ensued was 
desperate. Both sides fought with extraordinary valour ; but 
victory at length declared for the Athenians. Five Peloponnesian 
ships were captured ; the rest were saved only by running them 
ashore, where they were protected by the Lacedaemonian army. 

The Athenians, thus masters of the sea, were enabled to 
blockade the island of Sphacteria, in which the flower of the 
Lacedaemonian army was shut up, many of them native Spartans 
of the highest families. In so grave an emergency messengers 
were sent to Sparta for advice. The Ephors themselves inline - 
diately repaired to the snot: and so desponding was then view 
of the matter, that they saw no issue from it but a peace. They 
therefore proposed and obtained an armistice for the purpose 
of opening negotiations at Athens. But the Athenians, at the 
instigation of Cleori, insisted upon the most extravagant demands, 
and hostilities were accordingly resumed. They were not 
however attended with any decisive result. The blockade of 
Sphacteria began to grow tedious and harassing. The force 
upon it continually received supplies of provisions either from 



B.C. 425. 



BLOCKADE OF SPHACTERIA. 



107 



swimmers, who towed skins filled with linseed and poppy-seed 
mixed with honey, or from Helots, who, induced by the promise of 
large rewards, eluded the blockading squadron during dark and 
stormy nights, and landed cargoes on the back of the island. The 
summer, moreover, was fast wearing away, and the storms of winter 
might probably necessitate the raising of the blockade altogether. 
Under these circumstances, Demosthenes began to contemplate 
a descent upon the island ; with which view he sent a message to 
Athens to explain the unfavourable state of the blockade, and to 
request further assistance. 

These tidings were very distasteful to the Athenians, who 
had looked upon Sphacteria as their certain prey. They began 
to regret having let slip the favourable opportunity for making 
a peace, and to vent their displeasure upon Cleon, the director 
of their conduct on that occasion. But Cleon put on a face of 
brass. He abused the Strategi. His political opponent, Nicias, 
was then one of those officers, a man of quiet disposition and 
moderate abilities, but thoroughly honest and incorruptible. Him 
Cleon now singled out for his vituperation, and, pointing at 
him with his finger, exclaimed — " It would be easy enough to take 
the island if our generals were men. If I were General, I would 
do it at once ! " This burst of the tanner made the assembly 
laugh. He was saluted with cries of "Why don't you go, then? " 
and Nicias, thinking probably to catch his opponent in his own 
trap, seconded the voice of the assembly by offering to place at his 
disposal whatever force he might deem necessary for the enter- 
prise. Cleon at first endeavoured to avoid the dangerous honour 
thus thrust upon him. But the more he drew back the louder 
were the assembly in calling upon him to accept the office ; and 
as Nicias seriously repeated his proposition, he adopted with a 
good grace what there was no longer any possibility of evading, 
and asserted that he would take Sphacteria within twenty days, 
and either kill all the Lacedaemonians upon it, or bring them 
prisoners to Athens. 

Never did general set out upon an enterprise under circum- 
stances more singular ; but, what was still more extraordinary, 
fortune enabled him to make his promise good. In fact, as 
we have seen, Demosthenes had already resolved on attacking 
the island ; and when Cleon arrived at Pylus he found everything 
prepared for the assault. Accident favoured the enterprise. A 
fire kindled by some Athenian sailors, who had landed for the 
purpose of cooking their dinner, caught and destroyed the woods 
with which the island was overgrown, and thus deprived the 
Lacedaemonians of one of their principal defences. Nevertheless, 



103 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XI. 



such was the awe inspired by the reputation of the Spartan arms, 
that Demosthenes considered it necessary to land about 10,000 
soldiers of different descriptions, although the Lacedaemonian force 
consisted of only about 420 men. But this small force for a long- 
while kept their assailants at bay ; till some Messenians, stealing 
round by the sea-shore, over crags and cliffs which the Lace- 
daemonians had deemed impracticable, suddenly appeared on the 
high ground which overhung their rear. They now began to give 
way. and would soon have been all slain ; but Cleon and Demo- 
sthenes, being anxious to carry them prisoners to Athens, sent 
a herald to summon them to surrender. The latter, in token 
of compliance, dropped their shields, and waved their hands above 
then heads. They requested, however, permission to communicate 
with their countrymen on the mainland ; who, after two or three 
communications, sent them a final message — " to take counsel for 
themselves, but to do nothing disgraceful."' The survivors then 
surrendered. They were 292 in number, 120 of whom were native 
Spartans belonging to the first families. By this surrender the 
prestige of the Spartan arms was in a great degree destroyed. The 
Spartans were not, indeed, deemed invincible ; but their previous 
feats, especially at Thermopylae, had inspired the notion that they 
would rather die than yield; an opinion which could now no 
longer be entertained. 

Cleon had thus performed his promise. On the day after 
the victory he and Demosthenes started with the prisoners for 
Athens, where they arrived within 20 days from the time of 
Cleon" s departure. Altogether, this affair was one of the most 
favourable for the Athenians that had occurred during the war. 
The prisoners would serve not only for a guarantee against future 
invasions, which might be averted by threatening to put them to 
death, but also as a means for extorting advantageous conditions 
whenever a peace should be concluded. Xay, the victory itself 
was of considerable importance, since it enabled the Athenians 
to place Pylus in a better posture of defence, and, by garrisoning it 
with Messenians from Naupactus, to create a stronghold whence 
Laconia might be overrun and ravaged at pleasure. The Lacedas- 
monians themselves were so sensible of these things, that they sent 
repeated messages to Athens to propose a peace, but which the 
Athenians altogether disregarded. 

The eighth year of the war (B.C. 424) opened with brilliant 
prospects for the Athenians. Elate with their continued good 
fortune, they aimed at nothing less than the recovery of all the 
possessions which they had held before the Thirty Years" Truce. 
For this purpose they planned an expedition against Bceotia. But 



B.C. 424. 



BATTLE OF DELIUM. 



109 



their good fortune had now reached its culminating point. They 
were defeated by the Boeotians with great loss at the battle 
of Delium, which was the greatest and most decisive engagement 
fought during the first period of the war. An interesting feature 
of the battle is that both Socrates and his pupil Alcibiades were 
engaged in it, the fomrer among the hoplites, the latter in the 
cavalry. Socrates distinguished himself by his bravery, and was 
one of those who, instead of throwing down their arms, kept 
together in a compact body, and repulsed the attacks of the 
pursuing horse. His retreat was also protected by Alcibiades. 

This disastrous battle was speedily followed by the overthrow 
of the Athenian empire in Thrace. At the request of Perdiccas, 
king of Macedonia, and of the Chalcidian towns, who had sued for 
help against the Athenians, Brasidas was sent by the Lacedsemonian 
government into Macedonia, at the head of a small body of troops. 
On his arrival in Macedonia he proclaimed that he was come 
to deliver the Grecian cities from the tyrannous yoke of Athens. 
His bravery, his kind and conciliating demeanour, his probity, 
moderation, and good faith, soon gained him the respect and love 
of the allies of Athens in that quarter. Acanthus and Stagirus 
hastened to open their gates to him ; and early in the ensuing 
winter, by means of forced marches, he suddenly and unexpectedly 
appeared before the important Athenian colony of Amphipolis 
on the Strymon. In that town the Athenian party sent a message 
for assistance to Thucydides, the historian, who was then general 
in those parts. Thucydides hastened with seven ships from 
Thasos, and succeeded in securing Eion at the mouth of the 
Strymon ; but Amphipolis, which lay a little higher up the river, 
allured by the favourable terms offered, had already surrendered to 
Brasidas. For his want of vigilance on this occasion, Thucydides 
was, on the motion of Cleon, sentenced to banishment, and spent 
the following twenty years of his life in exile. Torone, Scione, and 
other towns also revolted from Athens. 

In the following year (b.c. 422) Cleon was sent to Macedonia 
to recover the Athenian dependencies, and especially Amphipolis. 
He encamped on a rising ground on the eastern side of the town. 
Having deserted the peaceful art of dressing hides for the more 
hazardous trade of war, in which he was almost totally inex- 
perienced, and having now no Demosthenes to direct his move- 
ments, Cleon was thrown completely off his guard by a very 
ordinary stratagem on the part of Brasidas, who contrived to give 
the town quite a deserted and peaceful appearance. Cleon suffered 
his troops to fall into disorder, till he was suddenly surprised by 
the astounding news that Brasidas was preparing for a sally. Cleon 



110 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XI. 



at once resolved to retreat. But his skill was equal to his valour. 
He conducted his retreat in the most disorderly manner. His left 
wing had already filed of£ and his centre with straggling ranks was 
in the act of following, when Brasidas ordered the gates of the 
town to be flung open, and, rushing out at the head of only 150 
chosen soldiers, charged the retreating columns in flank. They 
were immediately routed ; hut Brasidas received a mortal wound 
and was carried off the field. Though his men were forming on 
the hill, Cleon fled as fast as he could on the approach of the 
enemy, but was pursued and slain by a Thracian peltast. In spite, 
however, of the disgraceful flight of their general, the right wing 
maintained their ground for a considerable time, till some cavalry 
and peltasts issuing from Amphipolis attacked them in flank and 
rear, and compelled them to fly. On assembling again at Eion it 
was found that half the Athenian hoplites had been slain. Brasidas 
was carried into Amphipolis, and lived long enough to receive the 
tidings of his victory. He was interred within the walls with great 
military pomp in the centre of what thenceforth became the chief 
agora ; he was proclaimed cecist, or founder of the town ; and was 
worshipped as a hero with annual games and sacrifices. 

By the death of Brasidas and Cleon the two chief obstacles 
to a peace were removed ; for the former loved war for the 
sake of its glory, the latter for the handle which it afforded for 
agitation and for attacking his political opponents. The Athenian 
Xicias, and the Spartan king Pleistoanax, zealously forwarded 
the negotiations, and in the spring of the year B.C. 421 a peace 
for 50 years, commonly called the Peace of Xicias, was concluded 
on the basis of a mutual restitution of prisoners and places captured 
during the war. 



View of the Fort Euryalus at Syracuse 



CHAPTEK XII. 

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. — SECOND PERIOD, FROM THE PEACE OF 
NICIAS TO THE DEFEAT OF THE ATHENIANS IN SICILY, B.C. 
421-413. 

Several of the allies of Sparta were dissatisfied with the peace 
which she had concluded; and soon afterwards some of them 
determined to revive the ancient pretensions of Argos, and to make 
her the head of a new confederacy, which should include all 
Greece, with the exception of Sparta and Athens. The movement 
was begun by the Corinthians, and the league was soon joined by 
the Eleans, the Mantineans, and the Chalcidians. 

Between Sparta and Athens themselves matters were far from 
being on a satisfactory footing. Sparta confessed her inability 
to compel the Boeotians and Corinthians to accede to the peace, 
or even to restore the town of Amphipolis. Athens consequently 
refused to evacuate Pylus, though she removed the Helots and 
Messenians from it. In the negotiations which ensued respecting 
the surrender of Pylus, Alcibiades took a prominent part. This 
extraordinary man had already obtained immense influence at 
Athens. Young, rich, handsome, profligate, and clever, Alci- 
biades was the very model of an Athenian man of fashion. In 
lineage he was a striking contrast to the plebeian orators of the 
day. He traced his paternal descent from Ajax, whilst on his 
mother's side he claimed relationship with the Alcmssonidae, 
and consequently with Pericles. On the death of his father 



112 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XII 



Ciinias, Pericles had become his guardian. From early youth 
the conduct of Alcibiades was marked by violence, recklessness, 
and vanity. He delighted in astonishing the more sober portion 
of the citizens by his capricious and extravagant feats. He was 
utterly destitute of morality, whether public or private. But 
his vices were partly redeemed by some brilliant qualities. He 
possessed both boldness of design and vigour of action ; and, though 
scarcely more than thirty at the time of which we are now 
speaking, lie had already on several occasions distinguished himself 
by his bravery. His more serious studies were made subservient to 
the purposes of his ambition, for which some skill as an orator was 
necessary. In order to attain it he frequented the schools of the 
sophists, and exercised himself in the dialectics of Prodicus, 
Protagoras, and above all of Socrates. 

Such was the man who now opposed the application of the 
Lacedaemonian ambassadors. Then- reception had been so favour- 
able, that Alcibiades, alarmed at the prospect of their success, 
resorted to a trick in order to defeat it. He called upon the 
Lacedaemonian envoys, one of whom happened to be his personal 
friend ; and he advised them not to tell the Assembly that they 
were furnished with full powers, as in that case the people 
would bully them into extravagant concessions, but rather to say 
that they were merely come to discuss and report. He promised, 
if they did so, to speak in their favour, and induce the Assembly 
to grant the restitution of Pylus, to which he himself had hitherto 
been the chief obstacle. Accordingly on the next day, when 
the ambassadors were introduced into the Assembly, Alcibiades, 
assuming his blandest tone and most winning smile, asked them 
on what footing they came and what were their powers ? In reply 
to these questions, the ambassadors, who only a day or two before 
had told Xicias and the Senate that they were come as plenipo- 
tentiaries, now publicly declared, in the face of the Assembly, 
that they were not authorized to conclude, but only to negotiate 
and discuss. At this announcement, those who had heard their 
previous declaration could scarcely believe their ears. A universal 
burst of indignation broke forth at this exhibition of Spartan 
duplicity: whilst, to wind up the scene, Alcibiades, affecting 
to be more surprised than any, distinguished himself by being 
the loudest and bitterest in his invectives against the perfidy of the 
Lacedaemonians. 

Shortly afterwards Alcibiades procured the completion of a treaty 
of alliance for 100 years with Argos, Elis, and Mantinea (b.c. 420). 
Thus were the Grecian states involved in a complicity of separate 
and often apparently opposite alliances. It was evident that allies 



B.C. 416. 



CAPTURE OF MELOS. 



113 



so heterogeneous could not long hold together ; nevertheless, 
nominally at least, peace was at first observed. 

In the July which followed the treaty with Argos, the Olympic 
games, which recurred every fourth year, were to be celebrated. 
The Athenians had been shut out by the war from the two previous 
celebrations ; and curiosity was excited throughout Greece to see 
what figure Athens would make at this great Pan-Hellenic festival. 
War, it was surmised, must have exhausted her resources, and 
would thus prevent her from appearing with becoming splendour. 
But from this reproach she was rescued by the wealth and vanity, 
if not by the patriotism, of Alcibiades. By his care, the Athenian 
deputies exhibited the richest display of golden ewers, censers, and 
other plate to be used in the public sacrifice and procession; 
whilst for the games he entered in his own name no fewer than the 
unheard-of number of seven four-horsed chariots, of which one 
gained the first, and another the second prize. Alcibiades was 
consequently twice crowned with the olive, and twice proclaimed 
victor by the herald. 

The growing ambition and success of Alcibiades prompted 
him to carry his schemes against Sparta into the very heart 
of Peloponnesus, without, however, openly violating the peace. 

The Lacedaemonians now found it necessary to act with more 
vigour; and accordingly in B.C. 418 they assembled a very large 
army, under the command of the Spartan king, Agis. A decisive 
battle was fought near Mantinea, in which Agis gained a brilliant 
victory over the Argives and their allies. This battle and that 
of Delium were the two most important engagements that had 
yet been fought in the Peloponnesian war. Although the Athenians 
had fought on the side of the Argives at Mantinea, the peace 
between Sparta and Athens continued to be nominally observed. 

In B.C. 416 the Athenians attacked and conquered Melos, which 
island and Thera were the only islands in the iEgean not subject to 
the Athenian supremacy. The Melians having rejected all the 
Athenian overtures for a voluntary submission, their capital was 
blockaded by sea and land, and after a siege of some months 
surrendered. On the proposal, as it appears, of Alcibiades, all 
the adult males were put to death, the women and children 
sold into slavery, and the island colonized afresh by 500 Athenians. 
This horrible proceeding was the more indefensible, as the 
Athenians, having attacked the Melians in full peace, could 
not pretend that they were justified by the custom of war in slaying 
the prisoners. It was the crowning act of insolence and cruelty 
displayed during their empire, which from this period began 
rapidly to decline. 



114 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XII. 



The event destined to produce that catastrophe — the inter- 
vention of the Athenians in the affairs of Sicily — was already 
in progress. A quarrel had broken out between Egesta and 
Selinus, both which cities were seated near the western extremity 
of Sicily; and Selinus, having obtained the aid of Syracuse, 
was pressing very hard upon the Egestaeans. The latter appealed 
to the interests of the Athenians rather than to then sympathies. 
They represented how great a blow it would be to Athens if 
the Dorians became predominant in Sicily, and joined the Pelo- 
ponnesian confederacy ; and they undertook, if the Athenians would 
send an armament to their assistance, to provide the necessaiy funds 
for the prosecution of the war. Their most powerful advocate was 
Alcibiades, whose ambitious views are said to have extended even 
to the conquest of Carthage. The quieter and more prudent Xieias 
and his party threw their weight into the opposite scale. But 
the Athenian assembly, dazzled by the idea of so splendid an 
enterprise, decided on despatching a large fleet under Kicias, 
Alcibiades, and Lamachus, with the design of assisting Egesta, and 
of establishing the influence of Athens throughout Sicily, by 
whatever means might be found practicable. 

For the next three months the preparations for the undertaking 
were pressed on with the greatest ardour. Young and old, rich and 
poor, all vied with one another to obtain a share in the expedition. 
Five years of comparative peace had accumulated a fresh supply 
both of men and money ; and the merchants of Athens embarked 
in the enterprise as in a trading expedition. It was only a few 
of the wisest heads that escaped the general fever of excitement. 
The expedition was on the point of sailing, when a sudden 
and mysterious event converted all these exulting feelings into 
gloomy foreboding. 

At every door in Athens, at the corners of streets, in the market- 
place, before temples, gymnasia, and other public places, stood 
Herinae, or statues of the god Hermes, consisting of a bust 
of that deity surmounting a quadrangular pillar of marble about 
the height of the human figure. When the Athenians rose 
one morning towards the end of M&j a 415 B.C., it was found 
that all these figures had been mutilated during the night, and 
reduced by unknown hands to a shapeless mass. The act inspired 
political, as well as religious, alarm. It seemed to indicate a wide- 
spread conspiracy, for so sudden and general a mutilation must 
have been the work of many hands. The sacrilege might only 
be a preliminary attempt of some powerful citizen to seize the 
despotism, and suspicion pointed its finger at Alcibiades. Active 
measures were taken and large rewards offered for the discovery of 



B.C. 415. CONDEMNATION OF ALCIBIADES. 



the perpetrators. A public board was appointed to examine 
witnesses, which did not, indeed, succeed in eliciting any facts 
bearing on the actual subject of inquiry, but which obtained 
evidence respecting similar acts of impiety committed at previous 
times in drunken frolics. In these Alcibiades himself was impli- 
cated; and though the fleet was on the very eve of departure, 
a citizen rose in the assembly and accused Alcibiades of having 
profaned the Eleusinian mysteries by giving a representation 
of them in a private house, producing in evidence the testimony 
of a slave. Alcibiades denied the accusation, and implored the 
people to have it investigated at once. His enemies, however, had 
sufficient influence to get the inquiry postponed till his return; 
thus keeping the charge hanging over his head, and gaining time 
to poison the public mind against him. 

The Athenian fleet, consisting of 100 triremes, and having 
on board 1500 chosen Athenian hoplites, as well as auxiliaries, 
at length set sail, and proceeded to Corcyra, where it was joined by 
the other allies in the month of July, 415 B.C. Upon arriving 
at Ehegium the generals received the discouraging news that 
Egesta was unable to contribute more than thirty talents. A 
council of war was now held ; and it was finally resolved to gain as 
many allies as they could among the Greek cities in Sicily, and, 
having thus ascertained what assistance they could rely upon, to 
attack Syracuse and Selinus. 

Naxos joined the Athenians, and shortly afterwards they 
obtained possession by surprise of the important city of Catana, 
which was now made the head-quarters of the armament. Here an 
unwelcome message greeted Alcibiades. After his departure from 
Athens, Thessalus, the son of Oimon, preferred an indictment against 
him in consequence of his profanation of the Eleusinian mysteries. 
The Salaminian, or state, trireme was despatched to Sicily, car- 
rying the decree of the assembly for Alcibiades to come home and 
take his trial. The commander of the Salaminia was, however, 
instructed not to seize his person, but to allow him to sail in 
his own trireme. Alcibiades availed himself of this privilege 
to effect his escape. When the ships arrived at Thurii in Italy, he 
absconded, and contrived to elude the search that was made afte v 
him. Nevertheless, though absent, he was arraigned at Athens., 
and condemned to death ; his property was confiscated ; and the 
Eumolpidae, who presided over the celebration of the Eleusinian 
mysteries, pronounced upon him the curses of the god3. On hearing' 
of his sentence Alcibiades is said to have exclaimed, " I will show 
them that I am still alive." 

Three months had now been frittered away in Sicily, during 

i 2 



116 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XII. 



which the Athenians had done little or nothing, if we except 
the acquisition of Naxos and Catana. Nicias now resolved to 
make an attempt upon Syracuse. By a false message that the 
Catanasans were ready to assist in expelling the Athenians, he 
induced the Syracusans to proceed thither in great force, and 
he availed himself of their absence to sail with his whole fleet into 
the Great Harbour of Syracuse, where he landed near the mouth of 
the Anapus. The Syracusans, when they found that they had been 
deceived at Catana, marched back and offered Nicias battle in 
his new position. The latter accepted it, and gained the victory ; 
after which he retired to Catana, and subsequently to Naxos 
into winter quarters. 

The Syracusans employed the winter in preparations for defence. 
They also despatched envoys to Corinth and Sparta to solicit 
assistance, in the latter of which towns they found an un- 
expected advocate. Alcibiades, having crossed from Thurii 
to Cyllene in Peloponnesus, received a special invitation to 
proceed to Sparta. Here he revealed all the plans of Athens, 
and exhorted the Lacedaemonians to frustrate them. For this 
purpose he advised them to send an army into Sicily, under 
the command of a Spartan general, and, by way of causing 
a diversion, to establish a fortified post at Decelea in the Attic 
territory. The Spartans fell in with these views, and resolved to 
send a force to the assistance of Syracuse in the spring, under the 
command of Gylippus. 

Nicias, having received reinforcements from Athens, recom- 
menced hostilities as soon as the season allowed of it, and resolved 
on besieging Syracuse. That town consisted of two parts — the 
inner and the outer city. The former of these — the original 
settlement — was comprised in the island of Ortygia; the latter, 
afterwards known by the name of Achradina, covered the high 
ground of the peninsula north of Ortygia, and was completely 
separate from the inner city. The island of Ortygia, to which the 
modern city is now confined, is of an oblong shape, about two miles 
in circumference, lying between the Great Harbour on the 
west, and the Little Harbour on the east, and separated from the 
mainland by a narrow channel. The Great Harbour is a splendid 
bay, about five miles in circumference, and the Little Harbour was 
spacious enough to receive a large fleet of ships of war. The 
outer city was surrounded on the north and east by the sea, 
and by sea-walls which rendered an assault on that side almost 
impracticable. On the land side it was defended by a wall, 
and partly also by the nature of the ground, which in some parts 
was very steep. West and north-west of the wall of the outer city 



B.C. 415. 



ATHENIANS IN SICILY. 



117 



stood two unfortified suburbs, which were at a later time included 
within the walls of Syracuse under the names of Tyche and 
Neapolis. Between these two suburbs the ground rose in a 
gentle acclivity to the summit of the ranges of hills called 
Epipolse. 

It was from the high ground of Epipolse that Syracuse was most 
exposed to attack. Nicias landed at Leon, a place upon the bay 
of Thapsus, at the distance of only six or seven stadia from 




Map of Syracuse 



Epipolse, took possession of Epipolse, and erected on the summit 
a fort called Labdalum. Then coming farther down the hill 
towards Syracuse, he built another fort of a circular form and 
of considerable size at a place called Syke. From the latter point 
lie commenced his line of circumvallation, one wall extending 
southwards from Syke to the Great Harbour, and the other 



118 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XII. 



wall running northwards to the outer sea. The Athenians 
succeeded in completing the circurnvallation towards the south, 
but hi one of their many engagements with the Syracusans 
they lost the gallant Lamachus. At the same time, the 
Athenian fleet entered the Great Harbour, where it was hence- 
forth permanently established. The northern wall was never 
completed, and through the passage thus left open the besieged 
continued to obtain provisions. Xicias, who, by the death of 
Lamachus. had become sole commander, seemed now on the 
point of succeeding. The Syracusans were so sensible of their 
inferiority in the field that they no longer ventured to show 
themselves outside the walls. They began to contemplate sur- 
render, and even sent messages to Xicias to treat of the terms. 
This caused the Athenian commander to indulge in a false 
confidence of success, and consequent apathy ; and the army 
having lost the active and energetic Lamachus, operations 
were no longer carried on with the requisite activity. 

It was in this state of affairs that the Spartan commander, 
Gylippus, passed over into Italy with a little squadron of 
four ships, with the view merely of preserving the Greek cities 
in that country, supposing that Syracuse, and, with her, the other 
Greek cities in Sicily, were irretrievably lost. At Tarentum 
he learned to his great surprise and satisfaction that the Athenian 
wall of circumvallation at Syracuse had not yet been completed 
on the northern side. He now sailed through the straits of 
Messana, which were left completely unguarded, and arrived 
safely at Himera on the north coast of Sicily. Here he announced 
himself as the forerunner of larger succours, and began to levy an 
army, which the magic of the Spartan name soon enabled him 
to effect ; and in a few days he was in a condition to march 
towards Syracuse with about 3000 men. The Syracusans now 
dismissed all thoughts of surrender, and went out boldly to meet 
Gylippus. who marched into Syracuse over the heights of Epipqlse, 
which the supineness of Xicias had left unguarded. Upon arriving 
in the city, Gylippus sent a message to the Athenians allowing 
them a five days' truce to collect their effects and evacuate 
the island. Xicias returned no answer to this insulting proposal ; 
but the operations of Gylippus soon showed that the tide of 
affairs was really turned. His first exploit was to capture 
the Athenian fort at Labdalum, which made him master of 
Epipolae. He next commenced constructing a counter-wall to 
intersect the Athenian Hues on the northern side. This turn 
of affairs induced those Sicilian cities which had hitherto 
hesitated to embrace the side of Syracuse. Gylippus was also 



B.C. 413. 



ATHENIANS IN SICILY. 



119 



reinforced by the arrival of thirty triremes from Corinth, Leucas, 
and Ambracia. Nicias now felt that the attempt to blockade 
Syracnse with his present force was hopeless. He therefore 
resolved to occupy the headland of Plemmyrium, the southernmost 
point of the entrance to the Great Harbour, which would be 
a convenient station for watching the enemy, as well as for 
facilitating the introduction of supplies. Here he accordingly 
erected three forts and formed a naval station. Some slight affairs 
occurred in which the balance of advantage was in favour 
of the Syracusans. By their change of station the Athenians were 
. now a besieged rather than a besieging force. Their triremes 
were becoming leaky, and their soldiers and sailors were constantly 
deserting. Nicias himself had fallen into a bad state of health ; 
and in this discouraging posture of affairs he wrote to Athens 
requesting to be recalled, and insisting strongly on the necessity 
of sending reinforcements. 

The Athenians refused to recall Nicias, but they determined on 
sending a large reinforcement to Sicily, under the joint command 
of Demosthenes and Eurymedon. The news of these fresh and 
extensive preparations incited the Lacedaemonians to more vigorous 
action. The peace, if such it can be called, was now openly 
broken; and in the spring of 413 b.c. the Lacedaemonians, 
under king Agis, invaded Attica itself, and, following the advice of 
Alcibiades, established themselves permanently at Decelea, a place 
situated on the ridge of Mount Parnes, about 14 miles north 
of Athens, and commanding the Athenian plain. The city was 
thus placed in a state of siege. Scarcity began to be felt within 
the walls ; the revenues were falling off, whilst on the other hand 
expenses were increasing. 

Meanwhile in Sicily the Syracusans had gained such confidence 
that they even ventured on a naval engagement with the 
Athenians. In the first battle the Athenians were victorious, 
but the second battle, which lasted two days, ended in their 
defeat. They were now obliged to haul up their ships in the 
innermost part of the Great Harbour, under the lines of their 
fortified camp. A still more serious disaster than the loss of 
the battle was the loss of their naval reputation. It was evident 
that the Athenians had ceased to be invincible on the sea ; and 
the Syracusans no longer despaired of overcoming them on their 
own element. 

Such was the state of affairs when, to the astonishment of 
the Syracusans, a fresh Athenian fleet of 75 triremes, under 
Demosthenes and Eurymedon, entered the Great Harbour with 
all the pomp and circumstance of war. It had on board a force 



120 



HISTORY OF GEEECE. Chap. XII. 



of 5000 hoplites, of whom about a quarter were Athenians, and 
a great number of light-armed troops. The active and enter- 
prising character of Demosthenes led him to adopt more vigorous 
measures than those which had been hitherto pursued. He 
saw at once that whilst Epipolse remained in the possession of 
the Syracusans there was no hope of taking then* city, and he 
therefore directed all his efforts to the recapture of that position. 
But his attempts were unavailing. He was defeated not only 
in an open assault upon the Syracusan wall, but in a nocturnal 
attempt to carry it by surprise. These reverses were aggravated 
by the breaking out of sickness among the troops. Demosthenes 
now proposed to return home and assist in expelling the Lacedae- 
monians from Attica, instead of pursuing an enterprise which 
seemed to be hopeless. But Nicias, who feared to return to 
Athens with the stigma of failure, refused to give his consent 
to this step. Demosthenes then urged Nicias at least to sail 
immediately out of the Great Harbour, and take up their position 
either at Thapsus or Catana, where they could obtain abundant 
supplies of provisions, and would have an open sea for the 
manoeuvres of their fleet. But even to this proposal Nicias would 
not consent; and the army and navy remained in their former 
position. Soon afterwards, however, Gylippus received such large 
reinforcements, that Xicias found it necessary to adopt the advice 
of his colleague. Preparations were secretly made for their 
departure, the enemy appear to have had no suspicion of their 
intention and they were on the point of quitting their ill-fated 
quarters on the following morning, when on the very night before 
(27 Aug. 413 B.C.) an eclipse of the moon took place. The sooth- 
sayers who were consulted said that the army must wait thrice 
nine days, a full circle of the moon, before it could quit its present 
position ; and the devout and superstitious Nicias forthwith 
resolved to abide by this decision. 

Meanwhile the intention of the Athenians became known to 
the Syracusans, who determined to strike a blow before their 
enemy escaped. They accordingly attacked the Athenian station 
both by sea and land. On land the attack of Gylippus was 
repulsed ; but at sea the Athenian fleet was completely defeated, 
and Eurymedon, who commanded the right division, was slain. 
The spirits of the Syracusans rose with their victories; and 
though they would fornferly have been content with the mere 
retreat of the Athenians, they now resolved on effecting their 
utter destruction. With this view they blocked up the entrance 
of the Great Harbour with a line of vessels moored across it. All 
hope seemed now to be cut off from the Athenians, unless 



B.C. 413. 



FIGHT IN THE GREAT HARBOUR. 



121 



they could succeed in forcing this line and thus effecting their 
escape. The Athenian fleet still numbered 110 triremes, which 
Nicias furnished with grappling-irons, in order to bring the enemy 
to close quarters, and then caused a large proportion of his land- 
force to embark. 

Never perhaps was a battle fought under circumstances of such 
intense interest, or witnessed by so many spectators vitally 
concerned in the result. The basin of the Great Harbour, 
about 5 miles in circumference, in which nearly 200 ships, 
each with crews of more than 200 men, were about to engage, was 
lined with spectators. The Syracusan fleet was the first to leave 
the shore. A considerable portion was detached to guard 
the barrier at the mouth of the harbour. Hither the first 
and most impetuous attack of the Athenians was directed, who 
sought to break through the narrow opening which had been left 
for the passage of merchant vessels. Their onset was repulsed, 
and the battle then became general. The shouts of the com- 
batants, and the crash of the iron heads of the vessels as they 
were driven together, resounded over the water, and were 
answered on shore by the cheers or wailings of the spectators 
as their friends were victorious or vanquished. For a long time 
the battle was maintained with heroic courage and dubious 
result. At length, as the Athenian vessels began to yield and 
make back towards the shore, a universal shriek of horror and 
despair arose from the Athenian army, whilst shouts of joy 
and victory were raised from the pursuing vessels, and were 
echoed back from the Syracusans on land. As the Athenian 
vessels neared the shore their crews leaped out, and made for the 
camp, whilst the boldest of the land army rushed forward to 
protect the ships from being seized by the enemy. The Athenians 
succeeded in saving only 60 ships, or about half their fleet. The 
Syracusan fleet, however, had been reduced to 50 ships ; and on 
the same afternoon, Nicias and Demosthenes, as a last hope of 
escape, exhorted their men to make another attempt to break the 
enemy's line, and force their way out of the harbour. But the 
courage of the crews was so completely damped that they positively 
refused to re-embark. 

The Athenian army still numbered 40,000 men; and as all 
chance of escape by sea was now hopeless, it was resolved to 
retreat by land to some friendly city, and there defend themselves 
against the attacks of the Syracusans. As the soldiers turned 
to quit that fatal encampment, the sense of their own woes 
was for a moment suspended by the sight of their unburied 
comrades, who seemed to reproach them with the neglect of a 



122 



HISTORY" OF GREECE. 



Chap. XII. 



sacred duty; but still more by the waitings and entreaties of 
the wounded, who clung around their knees, and implored not 
to be abandoned to certain destruction. Amid this scene of 
universal woe and dejection, a fresh and unwonted spirit of energy 
and heroism seemed to be infused into Nicias. Though suffering 
under an incurable complaint, he was everywhere seen marshalling 
his troops, and encouraging them by his exhortations. The march 
was directed towards the territory of the Sicels in the interior 
of the island. The army was formed into a hollow square with 
the baggage in the middle; Nicias leading the van, and Demo- 
sthenes bringing up the rear. The road ascended by a sort 
of ravine over a steep hill called the Acrsean cliff, on which 
the Syracusans had fortified themselves. After spending two 
days in vain attempts to force this position, Nicias and Demosthenes 
resolved during the night to strike off to the left towards the 
sea. But they were overtaken, surrounded by superior forces, and 
compelled to surrender at discretion. Out of the 40,000 who 
started from the camp only 10,000 at the utmost were left at 
the end of the sixth day's march, the rest had either deserted 
or been slain. The prisoners were sent to work in the stone- 
quarries of Achradina and Epipoice* Here they were crowded 
together without any shelter, and with scarcely provisions enough 
to sustain life. The numerous bodies of those who died were 
left to putrify where they had fallen, till at length the place 
became such an intolerable centre of stench and infection that, at 
the end of seventy days, the Syracusans, for their own comfort 
and safety, were obliged to remove the survivors, who were sold 
as slaves. Nicias and Demosthenes were condemned to death in 
spite of all the efforts of Gylippus and Hermocrates to save them. 

Such was the end of two of the largest and best appointed arma- 
ments that had ever gone forth from Athens. Nicias, as we have 
seen, was from the first opposed to the expedition in which they 
were employed, as pregnant with the most dangerous consequences 
to Athens ; and, though it must be admitted that in this respect 
his views were sound, it cannot at the same time be concealed that 
his own want of energy, and his incompetence as a general, were 
the chief causes of the failure of the undertaking. His mistakes 
involved the fall of Demosthenes, an officer of far greater resolution 
and ability than himself, and who, had his counsels been followed, 
would in all probability have conducted the enterprise to a safe 
termination, though there was no longer room to hope for success. 



View, of the Theatre at Ephesus. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. — THIRD PERIOD, FROM THE SICILIAN 
EXPEDITION TO THE END OF THE WAR, B.C. 413-404. 

The destruction of the Sicilian armament was a fatal blow to the 
power of Athens. It is astonishing that she was able to protract 
the war so long with diminished strength and resources. Her situ- 
ation inspired her enemies with new vigour ; states hitherto neutral 
declared against her ; her subject-allies prepared to throw off the 
yoke; even the Persian satraps and the court of Susa bestirred 
themselves against her. The first blow to her empire was struck 
by the wealthy and populous island of Chios. This again was the 
work of Alcibiades, the implacable enemy of his native land, at 
whose advice a Lacedaemonian fleet was sent to the assistance of 
the Chians. Their example was followed by all the other Athenian 
allies in Asia, with the exception of Samos, in which the demo- 
cratical party gained the upper hand. In the midst of this general 
defection the Athenians did not give way to despair. Pericles had 
set apart a reserve of 1000 talents to meet the contingency of an 



124 



HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XIII. 



actual invasion. This still remained untouched, and now by an 
unanimous vote the penalty of death, which forbad its appropria- 
tion to any other purpose, was abolished, and the fund applied in 
fitting out a fleet against Chios. Samos became the head-quarters 
of the fie et. and the base of their operations during the remainder 
of the war. 

After a time the tide of success began to turn in favour of the 
Athenians. They recovered Lesbos and Clazoniense, defeated the 
Chians. and laid waste then- territory. They also gained a victory 
over the Peloponnesians at Miletus ; while the Peloponnesian fleet 
had lost the assistance of Tissaphernes, the Persian satrap, 
through the intrigues of Alcibiades. In the course of a few months 
Alcibiades had completely forfeited the confidence of the Lace- 
daemonians. The Spartan king Agis, whose wife he had seduced, 
was his personal enemy ; and after the defeat of the Peloponnesians 
at Miletus. Agis denounced him as a traitor, and persuaded the 
new Ephors to send out instructions to put him to death. Of this, 
however, he was informed time enough to make his escape to 
Tissaphernes at Magnesia. Here he ingratiated liimself into the 
confidence of the satrap, and persuaded him that it was not for the 
interest of Persia that either of the Grecian parties should be suc- 
cessful, but rather that they should wear each other out in their 
mutual struggles, when Persia would in the end succeed in expel- 
ling both. This advice was adopted by the satrap ; and in order to 
carry it into execution, steps were taken to secure the inactivity of 
the Peloponnesian armament, which, if vigorously employed, was 
powerful enough to put a speedy end to the war. In order to 
secure his return to Athens, Alcibiades now endeavoured to per- 
suade Tissaphernes that it was more for the Persian interest to 
conclude a league with Athens than with Sparta ; but the only 
part of his advice which the satrap seems to have sincerely 
adopted was that of playing off one party against the other. 
About this, however, Alcibiades did not at all concern himself. It 
was enough for his views, which had merely the selfish aim of his 
own restoration to Athens, if he could make it appear that he pos- 
sessed sufficient influence with Tissaphernes to procure his assist- 
ance for the Athenians. He therefore began to communicate with 
the Athenian generals at Samos, and held out the hope of a Persian 
alliance as the price of his restoration to his country. But as he 
both hated and feared the Athenian democracy, he coupled his 
offer with the condition that a revolution should be effected at 
Athens, and an oligarchy established. The Athenian generals 
greedily caught at the proposal : and though the great mass of 
the soldiery were violently opposed to it, they were silenced, if not 



B.C. 412. 



REVOLUTION AT ATHENS. 



125 



satisfied, when told that Athens could be saved only by means of 
Persia. The oligarchical conspirators formed themselves into a 
confederacy, and Pisander was sent to Athens to lay the proposal 
before the Athenian assembly. It met, as it might be supposed, 
with the most determined opposition. The single but unanswerable 
reply of Pisander was, the necessities of the republic ; and at length 
a reluctant vote for a change of constitution was extorted from the 
people. Pisander and ten others were despatched to treat with 
Alcibiades and Tissaphernes. 

Upon their arrival in Ionia they informed Alcibiades that 
measures had been taken for establishing an oligarchical form of 
government at Athens, and required him to fulfil his part of the 
engagement by procuring the aid and alliance of Persia. But Alci- 
biades knew that he had undertaken what he could not perform, 
and he now resolved to escape from the dilemma by one of his 
habitual artifices. He received the Athenian deputation in the pre* 
sence of Tissaphernes himself, and made such extravagant demands 
on behalf of the satrap that Pisander and his colleagues indignantly 
broke off the conference. 

Notwithstanding the conduct of Alcibiades the oligarchical con- 
spirators proceeded with the revolution at Athens, in which they 
had gone too far to recede. Pisander, with five of the envoys, re- 
turned to Athens to complete the work they had begun. 

Pisander proposed in the assembly, and carried a resolution, that 
a committee of ten should be appointed to prepare a new constitu- 
tion, which was to be submitted to the approbation of the people. 
But when the day appointed for that purpose arrived, the assembly 
was not convened in the Pnyx, but in the temple of Poseidon at 
Colonus, a village upwards of a mile from Athens. Here the con- 
spirators could plant their own partisans, and were less liable to be 
overawed by superior numbers. Pisander obtained the assent of 
the meeting to the following revolutionary changes : — U The aboli- 
tion of all the existing magistracies ; 2. The cessation of all pay- 
ments for the discharge of civil functions ; 3. The appointment of a 
committee of five persons, who were to name ninety-five more ; 
each of the hundred thus constituted to choose three persons ; the 
body of Four Hundred thus formed to be an irresponsible govern- 
ment, holding its sittings in the senate house. The four hundred 
were to convene a select body of five thousand citizens whenever 
they thought proper. Nobody knew who these five thousand were, 
but they answered two purposes, namely, to give an air of greater 
popularity to the government, as well as to overawe the people by 
an exaggerated notion of its strength. 

Thus perished the Athenian democracy, after an existence of 



126 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XIII. 



nearly a century since its establishment by Clisthenes. The revolu- 
tion was begun from despair of the foreign relations of Athens, and 
from the hope of assistance from Persia ; but it wa3 carried out 
. the machinations of the conspirators after that delusion 

had ceased. 

At .Samos the Athenian army refused to recognise the new 
government. At the instance of Thrasybulus and Thrasylrus, a 
meeting was called in which the soldiers pledged themselves to 
maintain the democracy, to continue the war against Peloponnesus, 
and to put down the usurpers at Athens. The soldiers, laying aside 
for awhile their mili tary character, constituted themselves into an 
assembly of the people, deposed several of their officers, and ap- 
pointed others whom they could better trust. Thrasybulus pro- 
posed the recall of Alcibiades, notwithstanding his connection with 
the oligarchical conspiracy, because it was believed that he was 
now able and willing to aid the democratic cause with the gold 
and forces of Persia. After considerable opposition the proposal 
was agreed to ; Alcibiades was brought to Samos and introduced 
to the assembly, where by his magnificent promises, and extra- 
vagant boasts respecting his influence with Tissaphernes, he once 
more succeeded in deceiving the Athenians. The accomplished 
traitor vas elected one of the generals, and, in pursuance of his 
artful policy, began to pass backwards and forwards between 
Samos and 3Iagnesia, with the view of inspiring both the satrap 
and the Athenians with a reciprocal idea of his influence with 
either, and of instilling distrust of Tissaphernes into the minds of 
the Peloponnesians. 

At the first news of the re-establishment of democracy at Samos, 
distrust and discord had broken out among the Four Hundred. 
Antiphon and Phrynichus, at the head of the extreme section of 
the oligarchical party, were for admitting a Lacedaemonian garrison. 
But others, discontented with their share of power, began to affect 
more popular sentiments, among whom were Theramenes and Aris- 
tocrates. Meantime Eubcea, supported by the Lacedaemonians and 
Boeotians, revolted from Athens. The loss of this island seemed a 
death-blow. The Lacedaemonians might now easily blockade the 
[ of Athens and starve her into surrender : whilst the partisans 
of the Pour Hundred would doubtless co-operate with the enemy. 
But from this fate they were saved by the characteristic slowness 
of the Lacedaemonians, who confined themselves to securing the 
conquest of Eubcea. Thus left unmolested, the Athenians convened 
an assembly in the Pnyx. Votes were passed for deposing the 
Four Hundred, and placing the government in the hands of the 
5000, of whom every citizen who could furnish a panoply might be 



B.C. 411. NAVAL VICTORY AT CYNOSSEMA. 



127 



a member. In short, the old constitution was restored, except that 
the franchise was restricted to 5000 citizens, and payment for the 
discharge of civil functions abolished. In subsequent assemblies, 
the Archons, the Senate, and other institutions were revived ; and 
a vote was passed to recall Alcibiades and some of his friends. The 
number of the 5000 was never exactly observed, and was soon en- 
larged into universal citizenship. Thus the Four Hundred were 
overthrown after a reign of four months, B.C. 411. 

While these things were going on at Athens, the war was 
prosecuted with vigour on the coast of Asia Minor. Mindarus, 
who now commanded the Peloponnesian fleet, disgusted at length 
by the often-broken promises of Tissaphernes, and the scanty 
and irregular pay which he furnished, set sail from Miletus and 
proceeded to the Hellespont, with the intention of assisting the 
satrap Pharnabazus, and of effecting, if possible, the revolt of the 
Athenian dependencies in that quarter. Hither he was pursued by 
the Athenian fleet under Thrasyllus. In a few days an engagement 
ensued (in August, 411 B.C.), in the famous straits between Sestos 
and Abydos, in which the Athenians, though with a smaller force, 
gained the victory, and erected a trophy on the promontory of 
Cynossema, near the tomb and chapel of the Trojan queen 
Hecuba. The Athenians followed up their victory by the reduc- 
tion of Cyzicus, which had revolted from them. A month or 
two afterwards another obstinate engagement took place between 
the Peloponnesian and Athenian fleets near Abydos, which lasted 
a whole day, and was at length decided in favour of the Athenians 
by the arrival of Alcibiades with his squadron of eighteen ships 
from Samos. 

Shortly after this battle Tissaphernes arrived at the Hellespont 
with the view of conciliating the offended Peloponnesians. He 
was not only jealous of the assistance which the latter were now 
rendering to Pharnabazus, but it is also evident that his temporiz- 
ing policy had displeased the Persian court. This appears from 
his conduct on the present occasion, as well as from the subsequent 
appointment of Cyrus to the supreme command on the Asiatic 
coast, as we shall presently have to relate. When Alcibiades, 
who imagined that Tissaphernes was still favourable to the Athe- 
nian cause, waited on him with the customary presents, he was 
arrested by order of the satrap, and sent in custody to Sardis. At 
the end of a month, however, he contrived to escape to Clazomenae, 
and again joined the Athenian fleet early in the spring of 410 b.c. 
IMindarus, with the assistance of Pharnabazus on the land side, 
was now engaged in the siege of Cyzicus, which the Athenian 
admirals determined to relieve. Here a battle ensued, in which 



128 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XIII. 



Mindarus was slain, the Lacedaemonians and Persians routed, and 
almost the whole Peloponnesian fleet captured. The severity of 
this blow was pictured in the laconic epistle in which Hippocrates, 
the second in command,* announced it to the Ephors : "Our good 
luck is gone ; Mindarus is slain ; the men are starving ; we know 
not what to do." 

The results of this victory were most important. Perinthus and 
Selymbria, as well as Cyzicus, were recovered ; and the Athenians, 
once more masters of the Propontis, fortified the town of Chryso- 
polis, over against Byzantium, at the entrance of the Bosporus ; 
re-established their toll of ten per cent, on all vessels passing from 
the Euxine ; and left a squadron to guard the strait and collect 
the dues. So great was the discouragement of the Lacedaemonians 
at the loss of their fleet that the Ephor Enclius proceeded to Athens 
to treat for peace on the basis of both parties standing just as they 
were. The Athenian assembly was at this time led by the dema- 
gogue Cleophon, a lamp-maker, known to us by the later comedies 
of Aristophanes. Cleophon appears to have been a man of con- 
siderable ability ; but the late victories had inspired him with too 
sanguine hopes, and he advised the Athenians to reject the terms 
proposed by Endius. Athens thus threw away the golden oppor- 
tunity of recruiting her shattered forces of which she stood so 
much in need ; and to this unfortunate advice must be ascribed 
the calamities which subsequently overtook her. 

The possession of the Bosporus reopened to the Athenians the 
trade of the Euxine. From his lofty fortress at Decelea the 
Spartan king Agis could descry the corn-ships from the Euxine 
sailing into the harbour of the Piraeus, and felt how fruitless it was 
to occupy the fields of Attica whilst such abundant supplies of 
provisions were continually finding their way to the city. 

In b.c. 408 the important towns of Chalcedon, Selymbria, and 
Byzantium fell into the hands of the Athenians, thus leaving them 
undisputed masters of the Propontis. 

These great achievements of Alcibiades naturally paved the way 
for his return to Athens. In the spring of 407 B.C. he proceeded 
with the fleet to Samos, and from thence sailed to Piraeus. His 
reception was far more favourable than he had ventured to antici- 
pate. The whole population of Athens flocked down to Piraeus to 
welcome him, and escorted him to the city. He seemed to be in 
the present juncture the only man capable of restoring the grandeur 
and the empire of Athens : he was accordingly named general with 
unlimited powers, and a force of 100 triremes, 1500 hoplites, and 

* Called Epistoleus or " Secretary " in the Lacedaemonian fleet. The com- 
mander of the fleet had the title of Xavarchm. 



B.C. 407. 



PROCEEDINGS OF LYSANDER. 



129 



150 cavalry placed at Lis disposal. Before Lis departure Le took 
an opportunity to atone for tLe impiety of wLicL Le Lad been 
suspected. AltLougli Lis armament was in perfect readiness, Le 
delayed its sailing till after tLe celebration of tLe Eleusinian 
mysteries at tLe beginning of September. For seven years the 
customary procession across the TLriasian plain Lad been suspended, 
owing to tLe occupation of Decelea by tLe enemy, wLicL com- 
pelled tLe sacred troop to proceed by sea. Alcibiades now escorted 
tliem on tlieir progress and return with Lis forces, and tLus suc- 
ceeded in reconciling himself with the offended goddesses and with 
their holy priests, the Eumolpidse. 

Meanwhile a great change Lad been going on in the state of 
affairs in the East. We have already seen that the Great King- 
was displeased with the vacillating policy of Tissaphernes, and 
had determined to adopt more energetic measures against the 
Athenians. During the absence of Alcibiades, C} r rus, the younger 
son of Darius, a prince of a bold and enterprising spirit, and 
animated with a lively hatred of Athens, had arrived at the coast 
for the purpose of carrying out the altered policy of the Persian 
court ; and with that view he had been invested with the 
satrapies of Lydia, the Greater Phrygia, and Cappadocia. The 
arrival of Cyrus opens the last phase of the Peloponnesian war. 
Another event, in the highest degree unfavourable to the Athenian 
cause, was the accession of Lysander, as Navarchus, to the ^com- 
mand of the Peloponnesian fleet. Lysander was the third of the 
remarkable men whom Sparta produced during the war. In ability, 
energy, and success he may be compared with Brasidas and Gy- 
lippus, though immeasurably inferior to the former in every moral 
quality. He was born of poor parents, and was by descent one of 
those Lacedaemonians who could never enjoy the full rights of 
Spartan citizenship. His ambition was boundless, and he was 
wholly unscrupulous about the means which he employed to gratify 
it. In pursuit of his objects he hesitated at neither deceit, nor 
perjury, nor cruelty, and he is reported to have laid it down as one 
of his maxims in life to avail himself of the fox's skin where the 
lion's failed. 

Lysander had taken up his station at Ephesus, with the Lace- 
daemonian fleet of 70 triremes ; and when Cyrus arrived at Sardis, 
in the spring of 407 B.C., he hastened to pay his court to the young- 
prince, and was received with every mark of favour. A vigorous 
line of action was resolved on. Cyrus at once offered 500 talents, 
and affirmed that, if more were needed, he was prepared even to 
coin into money the very throne of gold and silver on which he 
sat. In a banquet which ensued Cyrus drank to the health of 



130 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XIII. 



Lysander, and desired him to name any wish which he could 
gratify. Lysander immediately requested an addition of an obolus 
to the daily pay of the seamen. Cyrus was surprised at so disinter- 
ested a demand, and from that day conceived a high degree of 
respect and confidence for the Spartan commander. Lysander on 
his return to Ephesus employed himself in refitting his fleet, and in 
organising clubs in the Spartan interest in the cities of Asia. 

Aleibiades set sail from Athens in September. Being ill pro- 
vided with funds for carrying on the war, he was driven to make 
predatory excursions for the purpose of raising money. During his 
bsence he intrusted the bulk of the fleet at Samos to his pilot, 
Antiochus, with strict injunctions not to venture on an action. 
Notwithstanding these orders, however. Antiochus sailed out and 
brought the Peloponnesian fleet to an engagement off Xotiurn, in 
which the Athenians were defeated with the loss of 15 ships, and 
Antiochus himself was slain. Among the Athenian armament 
itself great dissatisfaction was growing up against Aleibiades 
Though at the head of a splendid force, he had in three months 
time accomplished literally nothing. His debaucheries and dis- 
solute conduct on shore were charged against him, as well as his 
selecting for confidential posts not the men best fitted for them, 
but those who, like Antiochus. were the boon companions and the 
chosen associates of his revels. These accusations forwarded to 
Athens, and fomented by his secret enemies, soon produced an 
entire revulsion in the public feeling towards Aleibiades. The 
Athenians voted that he should be dismissed from his command, 
and they appointed in his place ten new generals, with Conon at 
their head. 

The year of Lysander 's command expired about the same time as 
the appointmerit of Conon to the Athenian fleet. Through the 
intrigues of Lysander, his successor Callicratidas was received with 
dissatisfaction both by the Lacedaemonian seamen and by Cyrus. 
Lend complaints were raised of the impolicy of an annual change 
of commander. Lysander threw all sorts of difficulties into the 
way of his successor, to whom he handed over an empty chest, 
having first repaid to Gyres all the money in his possession under 
the pretence that it was a private loan. The straightforward con- 
duct of Callicratidas, however, who summoned the Lacedaemonian 
commanders, and after a dignified remonstrance, plainly put the 
question whether he should return home or remain, silenced all 
opposition. But he was sorely embarrassed for funds. Cyrus 
treated him with haughtiness : and when he waited on that prince 
at Sardis, he was dismissed not only without money, but even with- 
out an audience. Callicratidas, however, had too much energy to 



B.C. 400. 



BATTLE OF ARGINUSiE. 



131 



be daunted by such obstacles. Sailing with his fleet from Ephesus 
to Miletus, he laid before the assembly of that city, in a spirited 
address, all the ills they had suffered at the hands of the Persians, and 
exhorted them to bestir themselves and dispense with the Persian 
alliance. He succeeded in persuading the Milesians to make him 
a large grant of money, whilst the leading men even came forward 
with private subscriptions. By means of this assistance he was 
enabled to add 50 triremes to the 90 delivered to him by Lysander ; 
and the Chians further provided him with ten days' pay for the 
seamen. 

The fleet of Callicratidas was now double that of Conon. The 
latter was compelled to run before the superior force of Callicra- 
tidas. Both fleets entered the harbour of Mytilene at the same 
time, where a battle ensued in which Conon lost 30 ships, but lie 
saved the remaining 40 by hauling them ashore under the walls of 
the town. Callicratidas then blockaded Mytilene both by sea 
and land ; but Conon contrived to despatch a trireme to Athens 
with the news of his desperate position. 

As soon as the Athenians received intelligence of the blockade 
of Mytilene, vast efforts were made for its relief ; and we learn 
with surprise that in thirty days a fleet of 110 triremes was 
equipped and despatched from Piraeus. The armament assembled 
at Samos, where it was reinforced by scattered Athenian ships, 
and by contingents from the allies, to the extent of 40 vessels. 
The whole fleet of 150 sail then proceeded to the small islands of 
Arginusse, near the coast of Asia, and facing Malea, the south- 
eastern cape of Lesbos. Callicratidas, who went out to meet them, 
took up his station at the latter point, leaving a squadron of 50 
ships to maintain the blockade of Mytilene. He had thus only 120 
ships to oppose to the 150 of the Athenians, and his pilot advised 
liim to retire before the superior force of the enemy. But Calli- 
cratidas replied that he would not disgrace himself by flight, and 
that if he should perish Sparta would not feel his loss. The battle 
was long and obstinate. All order was speedily lost, and the ships 
fought singly with one another. In one of these contests, Callicra- 
tidas, who stood on the prow of his vessel ready to board the enemy, 
was thrown overboard by the shock of the vessels as they met, and 
perished. At length victory began to declare for the Athenians. 
The Lacedaemonians, after losing 77 vessels, retreated with the re- 
mainder to Chios and Phocsea. The loss of the Athenians was 25 
vessels. 

The battle of Arginusse led to a deplorable event, which has for 
ever sullied the pages of Athenian history. At least a dozen Athe- 
nian vessels were left floating about in a disabled condition after 



132 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XIII, 

the battle ; but, owing to a violent storm that ensued, no attempt 
was made to rescue the survivors, or to collect the bodies of the 
dead for burial. Eight of the ten generals were summoned home 
to answer for this conduct ; Gonon, by his situation at Mytilene', 
was of course exculpated, and Archestratus had died. Six of the 
generals obeyed the summons, and were denounced in the As- 
sembly by Theramenes, formerly one of the Four Hundred, for 
neglect of duty. The generals replied that they had commissioned 
Theramenes himself and Thrasybulus, each of whom commanded 
a trireme in the engagement, to undertake the duty, and had assigned 
48 ships to them for that purpose. This, however, was denied by 
Theramenes. There are discrepancies in the evidence, and we have 
do materials for deciding positively which statement was true; 
but probability inclines to the side of the generals. Public feeling, 
however, ran very strongly against them, and was increased by an 
incident which occurred during their trial. After a day's debate 
the question was adjourned ; and in the interval the festival of the 
Apaturia was celebrated, in which, according to annual custom, 
the citizens met together according to their families and phratries. 
Those who had perished at Arginusse were naturally missed on 
such an occasion ; and the usually cheerful character of the festival 
was deformed and rendered melancholy by the relatives of the 
deceased appearing in black clothes and with shaven heads. The 
passions of the people were violently roused. At the next meeting 
of the Assembly, Callixenus, a senator, proposed that the people 
should at once proceed to pass its verdict on the generals, though 
they had been only partially heard in their defence ; and, more- 
over, that they should all be included in one sentence, though it 
was contrary to a rule of Attic law, known as the psephisma of 
Canonus, to indict citizens otherwise than individually. The 
Prytanes, or senators of the presiding tribe, at first refused to put 
the question to the Assembly in this illegal way ; but their oppo- 
sition was at length overawed by clamour and violence. There 
was, however, one honourable exception. The philosopher Socrates, 
who was one of the Prytanes, refused to withdraw his protest. But 
his opposition was disregarded, and the proposal of Callixenus was 
carried. The generals were condemned, delivered over to the 
Eleven for execution, and compelled to drink the fatal hemlock. 
Among them was Pericles, the son of the celebrated statesman. 

In the following year (b.c. 405), through the influence of Cyrus 
and the other allies of Sparta, Lysander again obtained the com- 
mand of the Peloponnesian fleet, though nominally under Aracus 
as admiral; since it was contrary to Spartan usage that the same 
man should be twice Navarchus. His return to power was marked 



B.C. 405. CAPTURE OF THE ATHENIAN FLEET. 



133 



by more vigorous measures. He sailed to the Hellespont, and laid 
siege to Lampsacus. The Athenian fleet arrived too late to save 
the town, but they proceeded up the strait and took post at iEgos- 
potami, or the "Goat's River ;" a place which had nothing to re- 
commend it, except its vicinity to Lampsacus, from which it was 
separated by a channel somewhat less than two miles broad. It 
was a mere desolate beach, without houses or inhabitants, so that 
all the supplies had to be fetched from Sestos, or from the sur- 
rounding country, and the seamen were compelled to leave their 
ships in order to obtain their meals. Under these circumstances 
the Athenians were very desirous of bringing Lysander to an en- 
gagement. But the Spartan commander, who was in a strong 
position, and abundantly furnished with provisions, was in no hurry 
to run any risks. In vain did the Athenians sail over several days 
in succession to offer him battle ; they always found his ships ready 
manned, and drawn up in too strong a position to warrant an 
attack ; nor could they by all their manoeuvres succeed in enticing 
him out to combat. This cowardice, as they deemed it, on the 
part of the Lacedsemonians, begat a corresponding negligence on 
theirs ; discipline was neglected and the men allowed to straggle 
almost at will. It was in vain that Alcibiades, who since his dis- 
missal resided in a fortress in that neighbourhood, remonstrated 
with the Athenian generals on the exposed nature of the station 
they had chosen, and advised them to proceed to Sestos. His 
counsels were received with taunts' and insults. At length, on the 
fifth day, Lysander, having watched an opportunity when the 
Athenian seamen had gone on shore and were dispersed over the 
country, rowed swiftly across the strait with all his ships. He found 
the Athenian fleet, with the exception of 10 or 12 vessels, totally 
unprepared, and he captured nearly the whole of it, without having 
occasion to strike a single blow. Of the 180 ships which composed 
the fleet, only the trireme of Conon himself, the Paralus, and 8 
or 10 other vessels, succeeded in escaping. Conon was afraid to 
return to Athens after so signal a disaster, and took refuge with 
Evagoras, prince of Salamis in Cyprus. 

By this momentous victory (September, B.C. 405) the Pelo- 
ponnesian war was virtually brought to an end. Lysander, secure 
of an easy triumph, was in no haste to gather it by force. The 
command of the Euxine enabled him to control the supplies of 
Athens ; and sooner or later, a few weeks of famine must decide 
her fall. He now sailed forth to take possession of the Athenian 
towns, which fell one after another into his power as soon as 
he appeared before them. About November he arrived at JEgina, 
with an overwhelming fleet of 150 triremes, and proceeded to 



134 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XIII. 



devastate Salamis and blockade Piraeus. At the same time 
the whole Peloponnesian army was marched into Attica, and 
encamped in the precincts of the Academns, at the very gates of 
Athens. Famine soon began to be felt within the walls, and at 
the end of three months it became so dreadful, that the Athenians 
saw themselves compelled to submit to the terms of the conqueror. 
These terms were : That the long walls and the fortifications of 
Piraeus should be demolished : that the Athenians should give up 
all their foreign possessions, and confine themselves to their own 
territory ; that they should surrender all their ships of war ; that 
they should readmit all their exiles ; and that they should become 
allies of Sparta. 

It was about the middle or end of March, b.c. 404, that Lysander 
sailed into Piraeus, and took formal possession of Athens ; the war, 
in singular conformity with the prophecies current at the beginning 
of it, having lasted for a period of thrice nine, or 27 years. The 
insolence of the victors added another blow to the feelings of the 
conquered. The work of destruction, at which Lysander presided, 
was converted into a sort of festival. Female flute-players and 
wreathed dancers inaugurated the demolition of the strong and 
proud bulwarks of Athens ; and as the massive walls fell piece by 
piece exclamations arose from the ranks of the Peloponnesians that 
freedom had at length begun to dawn upon Greece. 




Coin of Athens 




the thirty tyrants, and the death of socrates, 
b.c. 404-399. 



The fall of Athens brought back a host of exiles, all of them the 
enemies of her democratical constitution. Of these the most dis- 
tinguished was Critias, a man of wealth and family, the uncle of 
Plato, and once the intimate friend of Socrates, distinguished both 
for his literary and political talents, but of unmeasured ambition 
and unscrupulous conscience. Critias and his companions soon 
found a party with which they could co-operate ; and supported by 
Lysander they proposed in the Assembly that a committee of thirty 
should be named to draw up laws for the future government of the 
city, and to undertake its temporary administration. Among the 
most prominent of the thirty names were those of Critias and 
Theramenes. The proposal was of course carried. Lysander him- 
self addressed the Assembly, and contemptuously told them that 
they had better take thought for their personal safety, which now 
lay at his mercy, than for their political constitution. The com- 
mittee thus appointed soon obtained the title of the Thirty Tyrants, 
the name by which they have become known in all subsequent 
time. After naming an entirely new Senate, and appointing fresh 
magistrates, they proceeded to exterminate their most obnoxious 
opponents. But Critias, and the more violent party among them, 
still called for more blood ; and with the view of obtaining it, pro- 
cured a Spartan garrison, under the harmost Callibius, to be in- 



136 



BISTORT OF GREECE. 



Chap. XIV. 



stalled in the Acropolis. Besides this force, they had an organized 
band of assassins at their disposal. Blood now flowed on all sides. 
Many of the leading men of Athens fell, others took to flight. 

Thus the reign of terror was completely established. In the 
bosom of the Thirty, however, there was a party, headed by Thera- 
nienes, who disapproved of these proceedings. But his moderation 
cost him his life. One day as he entered the Senate-house, Critias 
rose and denounced him as a public enemy, and ordered him to be 
carried off to instant death. Upon hearing these words Thera- 
menes sprang for refuge to the altar in the Senate-house ; but he 
was dragged away by Satyrus, the cruel and unscrupulous head of 
the "Eleven," a body of officers who carried into execution the 
penal sentence of the law. Being conveyed to prison, he was com- 
pelled to drink the fatal hemlock. The constancy of his end might 
have adorned a better life. After swallowing the draught, he 
jerked on the floor a drop which remained in the cup, according to 
the custom of the game called cottabos, exclaiming, " This to the 
health of the gentle Critias ! " 

Alcibiades had been included by the Thirty in the list of 
exiles; but the fate which now overtook him seems to have 
sprung from the fears of the Lacedsenionians, or perhaps from 
the personal hatred of Agis. After' the battle of iEgospotami, 
Pharnabazus permitted the Athenian exile to live in Phrygia, and 
assigned him a revenue for his maintenance. But a despatch 
came out from Sparta to Lysander, directing that Alcibiades 
should be put to death. Lysander communicated the order 
to Pharnabazus, who arranged for carrying it into execution. The 
house of Alcibiades was surrounded with a band of assassins, 
and set on fire. He rushed out with drawn sword upon his assail- 
ants, who shrank from the attack, but who slew him from a 
distance with their javelins and arrows. Timandra, a female with 
whom he lived, performed towards his body the last offices of 
duty and affection. Thus perished miserably, in the vigour 
of his age, one of the most remarkable, but not one of the 
greatest, characters in Grecian history. With qualities which, 
properly applied, might have rendered him the greatest bene- 
factor of Athens, he contrived to attain the infamous distinction of 
being that citizen who had inflicted upon her the most signal 
amount of damage. 

Meantime an altered state of feeling was springing up in 
Greece. Athens had ceased to be an object of fear or jealousy, 
and those ^elings began now to be directed towards Sparta. 
Lysander had risen to a height of unparalleled power. He 
was in a manner idolized. Poets showered their praises on 



B.C. 404. 



THE THIRTY DEPOSED. 



137 



him, and even altars were raised in his honour by the Asiatic 
Greeks. In the name of Sparta he exercised almost uncontrolled 
authority in the cities he had reduced, including Athens itself. 
But it was soon discovered that, instead of the freedom promised 
by the Spartans, only another empire had been established, whilst 
Lysander was even meditating to extort from the subject cities a 
yearly tribute of one thousand talents. And all these oppressions 
were rendered still more intolerable by the overweening pride and 
harshness of Lysander's demeanour. 

Even in Sparta itself the conduct of Lysander was beginning to 
inspire disgust and jealousy. Pausanias, son of Plistoanax, who 
was now king with Agis, as well as the new Ephors appointed in 
September, b.c. 404, disapproved of his proceedings. The Thebans 
and Corinthians themselves were beginning to sympathise with 
Athens, and to regard the Thirty as mere instruments for sup- 
porting the Spartan dominion; whilst Sparta in her turn looked 
upon them as the tools of Lysander's ambition. Many of the 
Athenian exiles had found refuge in Boeotia : and one of them, 
Thrasybulus, with the aid of Ismenias and other Theban citizens, 
starting from Thebes at the head of a small band of exiles, seized 
the fortress of Phyle, in the passes of Mount Parnes and on the" 
direct road to Athens. The Thirty marched out to attack Thrasy- 
bulus, at the head of the Lacedaemonian garrison and a strong 
Athenian force. But their attack was repulsed with considerable 
loss. 

Shortly afterwards Thrasybulus marched from Phyle to Piraeus, 
which was now an open town, and seized upon it without opposi- 
tion. When the whole force of the Thirty, including the Lacedae- 
monians, marched on the following day to attack him, he retired 
to the hill of Munychia, the citadel of Piraeus, the only approach 
to which was by a steep ascent. Here he drew up his hoplites in 
files of ten deep, posting behind them his slingers and dartmen. 
He exhorted his men to stand patiently till the enemy came within 
reach of the missiles. At the first discharge the assailing column 
seemed to waver ; and Thrasybulus, taking advantage of their con- 
fusion, charged down the hill, and completely routed them, killing 
seventy, among whom was Critias himself. The loss of their leader 
had thrown the majority into the hands of the party formerly led 
by Theramenes, who resolved to depose the Thirty and constitute 
a new oligarchy of Ten. Some of the Thirty were re-elected into 
this body ; but the more violent colleagues of Critias were deposed, 
and retired for safety to Eleusis. The new government of the Ten 
sent to Sparta to solicit further aid ; and a similar application was 
made at the same time from the section of the Thirty at Eleusis. 



jag 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XIV. 



Their request was complied with : and Lysander once more entered 
Athens at the head of a Lacedaemonian force. Fortunately, how- 
ever, the jealousy of the Lacedaemonians towards Lysander led 
them at this critical juncture to supersede him in the command. 
King Pausanias was appointed to conduct an army into Attica, and 
when he encamped in the Academus he was joined by Lysander 
and his forces. It was known at Athens that the views of Pausa- 
nias were unfavourable to the proceedings of Lysander ; and the 
presence of the Spartan king elicited a vehement reaction against 
the oligarchy, which fear had liitherto suppressed. All parties 
sent envoys to Sparta. The Ephors and the Lacedaemonian 
Assembly referred the question to a committee of fifteen, of whom 
Pausanias was one. The decision of this board was : That the 
exiles in Piraeus should be readmitted to Athens, and that there 
should be an amnesty for all that had passed, except as regarded 
the Thirty and the Ten. 

When these terms were settled and sworn to. the Peloponnesians 
quitted Attica ; and Tkrasybulus and the exiles, marching in solemn 
procfeasioH from Piraeus to Athens, ascended to the Acropolis and 
offered up a solemn sacrifice and thanksgiving. An assembly of 
the people was then held, and, after Tkrasybulus had addressed 
an animated reproof to the oligarchical party, the democracy was 
unanimously restored. This important counter-revolution took 
place in the spring of 403 B.C. The archons, the senate of 
500, the public assembly, and the dicasteries seem to have 
been reconstituted in the same form as before the capture of the 
city. 

Thus was terminated, after a sway of eight months, the despotism 
of the Thirty. The year which contained their rule was not named 
after the archon, but was termed "the year of anarchy." The 
first archon drawn after their fall was Euclides, who gave his 
nanie to a year ever afterwards memorable among the Athenians. 

For the next few years the only memorable event in the history 
of Athens is the death of Socrates. This celebrated philosopher 
was born in the year 468 B.C., in the immediate neighbourhood of 
Athens. His father, Sophroniscus, was a sculptor, and Socrates 
was brought up to, and for some time practised, the same profes- 
sion. He was married to Xanthippe', by whom he had three sons: 
but her bad temper has rendered her name proverbial for a con- 
jugal scold. His physical constitution was healthy, robust, and 
wonderfully enduring. Indifferent alike to heat and cold, the 
same scanty and homely clothing sufficed him both in .summer and 
winter ; and even in the campaign of Potidsea, amidst the snows 
of a Tm-acian winter, he went barefooted. But though thus gifted 



BX\ 399. 



CONDEMNATION OF SOCRATES. 



139 



with strength of body and of mind, he was far from being endowed 
with personal beauty. His thick lips, flat nose, and prominent 
eyes, gave him the appearance of a Silenus, or satyr. He served 
with credit as an hoplite at Potidsea (b.c. 432), Delium (b.c. 424), 
and Amphipolis (b.c. 422) ; but it was not till late in life, in the 
year 406 b.c, that he filled any political office. He was one of the 
Prytanes when, after the battle of Arginusse, Callixenus submitted 
his proposition respecting the six generals to the public Assembly, 
and his refusal on that occasion to put an unconstitutional question 
to the vote has been already recorded. He had a strong persua- 
sion that he was intrusted with a divine mission, and he believed 
himself to be attended by a daemon, or genius, whose admonitions 
he frequently heard, not, however, in the way of excitement, but of 
restraint. He never wrote anything, but he made oral instruction 
the great business of his life. Early in the morning he frequented 
the public walks, the gymnasia, and the schools; whence he ad- 
journed to the market-place at its most crowded hours, and thus 
spent the whole day in conversing with young and old, rich and 
poor, — with all in short who felt any desire for his instructions. 

That a reformer and destroyer, like Socrates, of ancient preju- 
dices and fallacies which passed current under the name of wisdom 
should have raised up a host of enemies is only what might be 
expected ; but in his case this feeling was increased by the manner 
in which he fulfilled his mission. The oracle of Delphi, in response 
to a question put by his friend Chserephon, had affirmed that no 
man was wiser than Socrates. No one was more perplexed at 
this declaration than Socrates himself, since he was conscious 
of possessing no wisdom at all. However, he determined to test 
the accuracy of the priestess, for, though he had little wisdom, 
others might have still less. He therefore selected an eminent 
politician who enjoyed a high reputation for wisdom, and soon 
elicited, by his scrutinising method of cross-examination, that this 
statesman's reputed wisdom was no wisdom at all. But of this he 
could not convince the subject of his examination; whence Socrates 
concluded that lie was wiser than this politican, inasmuch as he 
was conscious of his own ignorance, and therefore exempt from the 
error of believing himself wise when in reality he was not so. The 
same experiment was tried witli the same result on various classes 
of men ; on poets, mechanics, and especially on the rhetors and 
sophists, the chief of all the pretenders to wisdom. 

The first indication of the unpopularity which he had incurred 
is the attack made upon him by Aristophanes in the ' Clouds ' 
in the year 423 B.C. That attack, however, seems to have 
evaporated with the laugh, and for many years Socrates con- 



140 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XIV 



tirmed his teaching without molestation, It was not till B.C. 399 
that the indictment was preferred against him which cost him his 
life. In that year, Meletus, a leather-seller, seconded by Anyfcis, 
a poet, and Lycon, a rhetor, accused him of impiety in not wor- 
shipping the gods of the city, and in introducing new deities, and 
also of being a corrupter of youth. With respect to the latter 
charge, his former intimacy with Alcibiades and Critias may have 
weighed against him. Socrates made no preparations for his de- 
fence, and seems, indeed, not to have desired an acquittal. But 
although he addressed the dicasts in a bold uncompromising tone, 
he was condemned only by a small majority of five or six in. a court 
composed of between five and six hundred dicasts. After the ver- 
dict was pronounced, he was entitled, according to the practice of 
the Athenian courts, to make some counter-proposition in place of 
the penalty of death, which the accusers had demanded, and if he 
had done so with any show of submission it is probable that the 
sentence would have been mitigated. But his tone after the ver- 
dict was higher than before. Instead of a fine, he asserted that 
he ought to be maintained in the Prytaneum at the public ex- 
pense, as a public benefactor. This seems to have enraged the 
dicasts, and he was condemned to death. 

It happened that the vessel which proceeded to Helos on the 
annual deputation to the festival had sailed the day before his 
condemnation ; and during its absence it was unlawful to put any 
one to death. Socrates was thus kept in prison during thirty days, 
till the return of the vessel. He spent the interval in philoso- 
phical conversations with his friends. Crito, one of these, arranged 
a scheme for his escape by bribing the gaoler; but Socrates, as 
might be expected from the tone of his defence, resolutely refused 
to save his life by a breach of the law. His last discourse, on the 
day of his death, turned on the immortality of the soul. With a 
firm and cheerful countenance he drank the cup of hemlock amidst 
his sorrowing and weeping friends. His last words were addressed 
to Crito : — " Crito, we owe a cock to JEsculapius ; discharge the 
debt, and by no means omit it." 

Thus perished the greatest and most original of the Grecian 
philosophers, whose uninspired wisdom made the nearest approach 
to the divine morality of the Gospel. His teaching forms an epoch 
in the history of philosophy. From his school sprang Plato, the 
founder of the Academic philosophy ; Eu elides, the founder of the 
Megaric school ; Aristippus, the founder of the Cyrenaic school ; 
and many other philosophers of eminence. 



Ruins of Sarais. 



CHAPTEK XY. 

THE EXPEDITION OF THE GKEEKS UNDER CYRUS, AND RETREAT 
OF THE TEN THOUSAND, B.C. 401-400. 

The assistance which Cyras had rendered to the Lacedaemonians 
in the Peloponnesian war led to a remarkable episode in Grecian 
history. This was the celebrated expedition of Cyras against his 
brother Artaxerxes, in which the superiority of Grecian to Asiatic 
soldiers was so strikingly shown. 

The death of Darius Nothus, king of Persia, took place B.C. 404, 
shortly before the battle of JEgospotami. Cyras, who was present 
at his father's death, was charged by Tissaph ernes with plotting 
against his elder brother Artaxerxes, who succeeded to the throne. 
The accusation was believed by Artaxerxes, who seized his brother, 
and would have put him to death, but for the intercession of their 
mother, Parysatis. who persuaded him not only to spare Cyrus, 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XV. 



but to confirm him in his former government. Cyrus returned to 
Sardis burning with revenge, and fully resolved to make an effort 
to dethrone his brother. 

From his Intercourse with the Greeks Cyrus had become aware 
of their superiority to the Asiatics, and of then usefulness in such 
an enterprise as he now contemplated. The peace which followed 
the capture of Athens seemed favourable to his projects. Many 
Greeks, bred up in the practice of war during the long struggle 
between that city and Sparta, were now deprived of their employ- 
ment, whilst many more had been driven into exile by the esta- 
blishment of the Spartan oligarchies in the various conquered 
cities. "Under the pretence of a private war with the satrap Tis- 
saphernes. Cyrus enlisted large numbers of them in his service. 
The Greek in whom he placed most confidence was Clearchus, a 
Lacedaemonian, and formerly harmost of Byzantium, who had been 
condemned to death by the Spartan authorities for disobedience to 
then orders. 

It was not, however, till the beginning of the year B.C. 401 that 
the enterprise of Cyrus was ripe for execution. The Greek levies 
were then withdrawn from the various towns in which they were 
distributed, and concentrated in Sardis, to the number of about 
8000 ; and in March or April of this year Cyrus marched from 
Sardis with them, and with an army of 100,000 Asiatics. The 
object of the expedition was proclaimed to be an attack upon the 
mountain-freebooters of Pisidia ; its real destination was a secret to 
every one except Cyrus himself and Clearchus. Among the Greek 
soldiers was Xenophon, an Athenian knight, to whom we owe a 
narrative of the expedition. He went as a volunteer, at the invi- 
tation of his friend Proxenus, a Boeotian, and one of the generals 
of Cyrus. 

The march of Cyrus was directed through Lydia and Phrygia. 
After passing Colossal he arrived at Cehenae, where he was joined 
by more Greek troops, the number of whom now amounted to 
11,000 hoplites and 2000 peltasts. The line of march, which had 
been hitherto straight upon Pisidia, was now directed northwards. 
Cyrus passed in succession the Phrygian towns of Peltae, Ceramon 
Agora, the Plain of Cayster, Thymbrium, Tyriseum, and Iconium. 
the last city in Phrygia. Thence he proceeded through Lycaonia 
to Dana, and across Mount Taurus into Cilicia. 

On arriving at Tarsus, a city on the coast of Cilicia, the Greeks 
plainly saw that they had been deceived, and that the expedition 
was designed against the Persian king. Seized with alarm at the 
prospect of so long a march, they sent a deputation to Cyrus to ask 
him what his real intentions were. Cyrus replied that his design 



144 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XV, 



was to inarch against his enemy, Abrocomas, satrap of Syria, who 
was encamped on the banks of the Euphrates. The Greeks, 
though they still suspected a delusion, contented themselves with 
this answer in the face of their present difficulties, especially as 
Cyrus promised to raise their pay from one Daric to one Daric 
and a half a month. The whole army then marched forwards 
to Issus, the last town in Cilicia, seated on the gulf of the same 
name. Here they met the fleet, which brought them a reinforce- 
ment of 1100 Greek soldiers, thus raising the Grecian force to 
about 14,000 men. 

Abrocomas, who commanded for the Great King in Syria and 
Phoenicia, alarmed at the rapid progress of Cyrus, fled before him 
with all his army, reported as 300,000 strong; abandoning the im- 
pregnable pass situated one day's march from Issus, and known as 
the Gates of Cilicia and Syria. Marching in safety through this 
pass, the army next reached Myriandrus, a seaport of Phoenicia. 
From this place Cyrus struck off into the interior, over Mount 
Amanus. Twelve days' march brought him to Thapsacus on the 
Euphrates, where for the first time he formally notified to the array 
that he was marching to Babylon against his brother Artaxerxes. 
The water happened to be very low, scarcely reaching to the 
breast ; and Abrocomas made no attempt to dispute the passage. 
Tne army now entered upon the desert, where the Greeks were 
struck with the novel sights which met their view, and at once 
amused and exhausted themselves in the chase of the wild ass and 
the antelope, or in the vain pursuit of the scudding ostrich. After 
several days of toilsome march the army at leugth reached Pylas, 
the entrance into the cultivated plains of Babylonia, where they 
halted a few days to refresh themselves. 

Soon after leaving that place symptoms became perceptible of a 
vast hostile force moving in their front. The exaggerated reports 
of deserters stated it at 1,200,000 men ; its real strength was about 
900,000. In a characteristic address Cyrus exhorted the Greeks to 
take no heed of the multitude of their enemies ; they would find 
in them, he affirmed, nothing but numbers and noise, and, if they 
could bring themselves to despise these, they would soon find of 
what worthless stuff the natives were composed. The army then 
marched cautiously forwards, in order of battle, along the left 
bank of the Euphrates. They soon came upon a huge trench, 
30 feet broad and 18 deep, which Artaxerxes had caused to be dug 
across the plain for a length of about 42 English miles, reachiug 
from the Euphrates to the wall of Media. Between it and the 
river was left only a narrow passage about 20 feet broad ; yet 
Cyrus and his army found with surprise that this pass was left 



B.C. 401. 



BATTLE OF CUNAXA. 



145 



entirely undefended. This circumstance inspired them with a 
contempt of the enemy, and induced them to proceed in careless 
array ; but on the next day but one after passhig the trench, on 
arriving at a place called Gunaxa, they were surprised with the 
intelligence that Artaxerxes was approaching with all his forces. 
Cyrus immediately drew up his army in order of battle. The 
Greeks were posted on the right, whilst Cyrus himself, surrounded 
by a picked body-guard of 600 Persian cuirassiers, took up his sta- 
tion in the centre. When the enemy were about half a mile 
distant, the Greeks charged them with the usual war-shout. The 
Persians did not await their onset, but turned and fled. Tissa- 
p hemes and his cavalry alone offered any resistance ; the remainder 
of the Persian left was routed without a blow. As Cyrus was con- 
templating the easy victory of the Greeks, his followers surrounded 
him, and already saluted him with the title of king. But the 
centre and right of Artaxerxes still remained unbroken ; and that 
monarch, unaware of the defeat of his left wing, ordered the right 
to wheel and encompass the army of Cyrus. No sooner did Cyrus 
perceive this movement than with his body-guard he impetuously 
charged the enemy's centre, where Artaxerxes himself stood, sur- 
rounded with 6000 horse. The latter were routed and dispersed, 
and were followed so eagerly by the guards of Cyrus, that he was 
left almost alone with the select few called his " Table Compa- 
nions." In this situation he caught sight of his brother Arta- 
xerxes, whose person was revealed by the flight of his troops, 
when, maddened at once by rage and ambition, he shouted out, 
"I see the man!" and rushed at him with his handful of compa- 
nions. Hurling his javelin at his brother, he wounded him in the 
breast, but was himself speedily overborne by superior numbers 
and slain on the spot. 

Meanwhile Clearchus had pursued the flying enemy upwards of 
three miles ; but hearing that the king's troops were victorious on 
the left and centre, he retraced his steps, again routing the Per- 
sians who endeavoured to intercept him. When the Greeks regained 
their camp they found that it had been completely plundered, and 
were consequently obliged to go supperless to rest. It was not till 
the following day that they learned the death of Cyrus ; tidings 
which converted their triumph into sorrow and dismay. They 
were desirous that Ariseus, who now commanded the army of 
Cyrus, should lay claim to the Persian crown, and offered to 
support his pretensions; but Ariseus answered that the Persian 
grandees would not tolerate such a claim ; that he intended imme- 
diately to retreat ; and that, if the Greeks wished to accompany 
him, they must join him during the following night. This was 

L 



146 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XV. 



accordingly done ; when oaths of reciprocal fidelity were inter- 
changed between the Grecian generals and Ariaeus, and sanctified 
by a solemn sacrifice. 

On the following day a message arrived from the Persian king, 
with a proposal to treat for peace on equal terms. Clearchus 
affected to treat the offer with great indifference, and made it an 
opportunity for procuring provisions. 44 Tell your king," said he to 
the envoys, 44 that we must first fight ; for we have had no break- 
fast, nor will any man presume to talk to the Greeks about a truce 
without first providing for them a breakfast.*' This was agreed 
to, and guides were sent to conduct the Greeks to some villages 
where they might obtain food. Here they received a visit from 
Tissapliernes, who pretended much friendship towards them, and 
said that he had come from the Great King to inquire the reason 
of their expedition. Clearchus replied — what was indeed true of 
the greater part of the army — that they had not come hither with 
any design to attack the king, but had been enticed forwards by 
Cyrus under false pretences ; that their only desire at present was 
to return home ; but that, if any obstacle was offered, they were pre- 
pared to repel hostilities. In a day or two Tissaphernes returned, 
and with some parade stated that he had with great difficulty 
obtained permission to save the Greek army ; that he was ready to 
conduct them in person into Greece ; and to supply them with pro- 
visions, for which, however, they were to pay. An agreement was 
accordingly entered into to this effect ; and after many days' delay 
they commenced the homeward march. After marching three days 
they passed through the wall of Media, which was 100 feet high 
and 20 feet broad. Two days more brought them to the Tigris, 
which they crossed on the following morning by a bridge of boats. 
They then marched northward, arriving in four days at the river 
Physcus and a large city called Opis. Six days' further march 
through a deserted part of "Media brought them to some villages 
belonging to queen Parysatis, which, out of enmity to her as the 
patron of Cyrus, Tissaphernes abandoned to be plundered by the 
Greeks. From thence they proceeded in five days to the river 
Zabatus, or Greater Zab, having previously crossed the Lesser Zab, 
which Xenophon neglects to mention. In the first of these five 
days they saw on the opposite side of the Tigris a large city called 
feme, the inhabitants of which brought over provisions to them. 
At the Greater Zab they halted three days. Mistrust, and even 
slight hostilities, had been already manifested between the Greeks 
and Persians, but they now became so serious that Clearchus de- 
manded an interview with Tissaphernes. The latter protested the 
greatest fidelity and friendship towards the Greeks, and promised 



B.C. 401. 



RETREAT OF THE GREEKS. 



147 



to deliver to the Greek generals, on the following day, the calum- 
niators who had set the two armies at variance. But when Cle- 
archus, with four other generals, accompanied by some lochages, or 
captains, and 200 soldiers, entered the Persian camp, according to 
appointment, the captains and soldiers were immediately cut down ; 
whilst the five generals were seized, put into irons, and sent to the 
Persian court. After a short imprisonment, four of them were 
beheaded ; the fifth, Menon, who pretended that he had betrayed 
his colleagues into the hands of Tissaphernes, was at first spared ; 
but after a year's detention was put to death with tortures. 

Apprehension and dismay reigned among the Greeks. Their 
situation was, indeed, appalling. They were considerably more 
than a thousand miles from home, in a hostile and unknown 
country, hemmed in on all sides by impassable rivers and moun- 
tain s, without generals, without guides, without provisions. Xeno- 
phon was the first to rouse the captains to the necessity for taking- 
immediate precautions. Though young, he possessed as an Athe- 
nian citizen some claim to distinction ; and his animated address 
showed him fitted for command. He was saluted general on the 
spot ; and in a subsequent assembly was, with four others, formally 
elected to that office. 

The Greeks, having first destroyed their superfluous baggage, 
crossed the Greater Zab, and pursued their march on the other 
bank. They passed by the ruined cities of Larissa and Mespila on 
the Tigris, in the neighbourhood of the ancient Nineveh. The 
march from Mespila to the mountainous country of the Carduchi 
occupied several days, in which the Greeks suffered much from the 
attacks of the enemy. 

Their future route was now a matter of serious perplexity. On 
their left lay the Tigris, so deep that they could not fathom it with 
their spears ; while in their front rose the steep and lofty mountains 
of the Carduchi, which came so near the river as hardly to leave 
a passage for its waters. As all other roads seemed barred, they 
formed the resolution of striking into these mountains, on the 
farther side of which lay Armenia, where both the Tigris and 
the Euphrates might be forded near their sources. After a difficult 
and dangerous march of seven days, during which their sufferings 
were far greater than any they had experienced from the Persians, 
the army at length emerged into Armenia. It was now the month 
of December, and Armenia was cold and exposed, being a table- 
land raised high above the level of the sea. Whilst halting near 
some well-supplied villages, the Greeks were overtaken by two 
deep falls of snow, which almost buried them in their open 
bivouacs. Hence a five days' march brought them to the eastern 

l 2 



148 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XV. 



branch of the Euphrates. Crossing the river, they proceeded 
on the other side of it over plains covered with a deep snow, 
and in the face of a biting north wind. Here many of the slaves 
and beasts of burthen, and even a few of the soldiers, fell victims 
to the cold. Some had then feet frost-bitten; some were blinded 
by the snow ; whilst others, exhausted with cold and hunger, 
sunk down and died. On the eighth day they proceeded on their 
way, ascending the banks of the Phasis, not the celebrated river of 
that name, bnt probably the one usually called Araxes. 

From thence they fought their way through the country of the 
Taochi and Chalybes. They next reached the country of the 
Scythini, in whose territory they found abundance in a large and 
populous city called Gymnias. The chief of this place having 
engaged to conduct them within sight of the Euxine, they pro- 
ceeded for five days under his guidance ; when, after ascending a 
mountain, the sea suddenly burst on the view of the vanguard. 
The men proclaimed their joy by loud shouts of " The sea ! the 
sea !" The rest of the army hurried to the summit, and gave vent 
to their joy and exultation in tears and mutual embraces. A few 
days' march through the country of the Macrones and Colchians 
at length brought them to the objects for which they had so often 
pined, and which many at one time had never hoped to see again 
— a Grecian city and the sea. By the inhabitants of Trapezus or 
Trebizond, on the Euxine, where they had now arrived, they were 
hospitably received, and, being cantoned in some Colchian villages 
near the town, refreshed themselves after the hardships they had 
undergone by a repose of thirty days. 

The most difficult part of the return of the Ten Thousand was 
now accomplished, and it is unnecessary to trace the remainder of 
their route. After many adventures they succeeded in reaching 
Byzantium, and they subsequently engaged to serve the Lace- 
dsemonians in a war which Sparta had just declared against the 
satraps Tissaphemes and Pharnabazus. 

In the spring of b.c. 399, Thimbron, the Lacedaemonian com- 
mander, arrived at Pergamus, and the remainder of the Ten Thou- 
sand Greeks became incorporated with his army. Xenophon now 
returned to Athens, where he must have arrived shortly after the 
execution of his master Socrates. Disgusted probably by that 
event, he rejoined his old comrades in Asia, and subsequently 
returned to Greece along with Agesilaus. 




CHAPTEE XVI. 

THE SUPREMACY OF SPARTA, B.C. 404-371. 

After the fall of Athens Sparta stood without a rival in Greece. 
In the various cities which had belonged to the Athenian empire 
Lysander established an oligarchical Council of Ten, called a 
Decarchy or Decern virate, subject to the control of a Spartan 
Harmost or governor. The Decarchies, however, remained only a 
short time in power, since the Spartan government regarded them 
with jealousy as the partisans of Lysander ; but harmosts continued 
to be placed in every state subject to their empire. The govern- 
ment of the harmosts was corrupt and oppressive ; no justice could 
be obtained against them by an appeal to the Spartan authorities 
at home; and the Grecian cities soon had cause to regret the 
milder and more equitable sway of Athens. 

On the death of Agis in b.c. 398, his half-brother Agesilaus was 
appointed king, to the exclusion of Leotychides, the son of Agis. 
This was mainly effected by the powerful influence of Lysander, 
who erroneously considered Agesilaus to be of a yielding and 
manageable disposition, and hoped by a skilful use of those qua- 



150 



HISTORY OF GKEECE. 



Chap. XVI. 



lities to extend his own influence, and under the name of another 
to be in reality king himself. 

Agesilaus was now forty years of age, and esteemed a model of 
those virtues more peculiarly deemed Spartan. He was obedient 
to the constituted authorities, emulous to excel, courageous, ener- 
getic, capable of bearing all sorts of hardship and fatigue, simple 
and frugal in his mode of life. To these severer qualities he added 
the popular attractions of an agreeable countenance and pleasing 
address. His personal defects at first stood in the way of his pro- 
motion. He was not only low in stature, but also lame of one leg ; 
and there was an ancient oracle which warned the Spartans to 
beware of <; a lame reign." The ingenuity of Lysander, assistec 1 
probabiy by the popular qualities of Agesilaus, contrived to ovei 
come this objection by interpreting a lame reign to mean not any 
bodily defect in the king, but the reign of one who was not a 
genuine descendant of Hercules. Once possessed of power, Age- 
silaus supplied any defect in his title by the prudence and policy 
"f his conduct ; and, by the marked deference which he paid both 
to the Ephors and the senators, he succeeded in gaining for him- 
self more real power than had been enjoyed by any of his pre- 
decessors. 

The affairs of Asia Minor soon began to draw the attention of 
Agesilaus to that quarter. The assistance lent to Cyrus by the 
Spartans was no secret at the Persian court ; and Tissaphernes, who 
had been rewarded for his fidelity with the satrapy of Cyrus in 
addition to his own, no sooner returned to his government than he 
attacked the Ionian cities, then under the protection of Sparta. A 
considerable Lacedaemonian force under Thimbron was despatched 
to their assistance, and which, as related in the preceding chapter, 
was joined by the remnant of the Greeks who had served under 
Cyrus. Thimbron, however, proved so inefficient a commander, 
that he was superseded at the end of 399 or beginning of 398 B.C., 
and Dercyllidas appointed in his place. But though at first suc- 
cessful against Pharnabazus in iEolis, Dercyllidas was subsequently 
surprised in Caria in such an unfavourable position that he would 
have suffered severely but for the timidity of Tissaphernes, who 
was afraid to venture upon an action. Under these circumstances 
an armistice was agTeed to for the purpose of treating for a peace 
397 B.C.). 

Pharnabazus availed himself of this armistice to make active pre- 
parations for a renewal of the war. He obtained large reinforce- 
ments of Persian troops, and began to organize a fleet in Phoenicia 
and Cilicia. This was intrusted to the Athenian admiral Conon, 
of whom we now first hear again after a lapse of seven years since 



B.C. 397. 



WAR IN ASIA MINOR. 



151 



his defeat at iEgospotarni. After that disastrous battle Conon fled 
with nine triremes to Cyprus, where he was now living under the 
protection of Evagoras, prince of Salamis. 

It was the news of these extensive preparations that induced 
Agesilaus, on the suggestion of Lysander, to volunteer his services 
against the Persians. He proposed to take with him only 30 full 
Spartan citizens, or peers, to act as a sort of council, together with 
2000 Neodamodes, or enfranchised Helots, and 6000 hoplites of the 
allies. Lysander intended to be the leader of the 30 Spartans, and 
expected through them to be the virtual commander of the expe- 
dition of which Agesilaus was nominally the head. 

Since the time of Agamemnon no Grecian king had led an army 
into Asia ; and Agesilaus studiously availed himself of the prestige 
of that precedent in order to attract recruits to his standard. The 
Spartan kings claimed to inherit the sceptre of Agamemnon ; and 
to render the parallel more complete, Agesilaus proceeded with a 
division of his fleet to Aulis, intending there to imitate the me- 
morable sacrifice of the Homeric hero. But as he had neglected 
to ask the permission of the Thebans, and conducted the sacrifice 
and solemnities by means of his own prophets and ministers, and 
in a manner at variance with the usual rites of the temple, the 
Thebans were offended, and expelled him by armed force : — an 
insult which he never forgave. 

It was in 396 B.C. that Agesilaus arrived at Ephesus, and took 
the command in Asia. He demanded of the Persians the complete 
independence of the Greek cities in Asia ; and in order that there 
might be time to communicate with the Persian court, the armistice 
was renewed for three months. During this interval of repose, 
Lysander, by his arrogance and pretensions, offended both Agesilaus 
and the Thirty Spartans. Agesilaus, determined to uphold his 
dignity, subjected Lysander to so many humiliations that he was at 
last fain to request his dismissal from Ephesus, and was accordingly 
sent to the Hellespont, where he did good service to the Spartan 
interests. 

Meanwhile Tissaphernes, having received large reinforcements, 
sent a message to Agesilaus before the armistice had expired, 
ordering him to quit Asia. Agesilaus immediately made prepara- 
tions as if he would attack Tissaphernes in Caria ; but having thus 
put the enemy on a false scent, he suddenly turned northwards into 
Phrygia, the satrapy of Pharnabazus, and marched without oppo- 
sition to the neighbourhood of Dascylium, the residence of the 
satrap himself. Here, however, he was repulsed by the Persian 
cavalry. He now proceeded into winter quarters at Ephesus, where 
he employed himself in organizing a body of cavalry to compete 



152 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XVI. 



with the Persians. During the winter the army was brought into 
excellent condition ; and Agesilaus gave out early in the spring of 
395 b.c. that he should march direct upon Sardis. Tissaphernes, 
suspecting another feint, now dispersed his cavalry in the plain 
of the Mseander. But this time Agesilaus marched as he had an- 
nounced, and in three days arrived unopposed on the banks of the 
Pactolus, before the Persian cavalry could be recalled. When they 
at last came up, the newly raised Grecian horse, assisted by the 
peltasts, and some of the younger and more active hoplites, soon 
succeeded in putting them to night. Many of the Persians were 
drowned in the Pactolus, and their camp, containing much booty 
and several camels, was taken. 

Agesilaus now pushed his ravages up to the very gates of Sardis, 
the residence of Tissaphernes. But the career of that timid and 
treacherous satrap was drawing to a close. The queen-mother, 
Parysatis, who had succeeded in regaining her influence over 
Artaxerxes, caused an order to be sent down from Susa for his exe- 
cution ; in pursuance of which he was seized in a bath at Golossse, 
and beheaded. Tithraustes, who had been intrusted with the exe- 
cution of this order, succeeded Tissaphernes in the satrapy, and 
immediately reopened negotiations with Agesilaus. An armistice 
of six months was concluded ; and meanwhile Tithraustes, by a 
subsidy of 30 talents, induced Agesilaus to move out of his satrapy 
into that of Pharnabazus. 

During this march into Phrygia Agesilaus received a new com- 
mission from home, appointing him the head of the naval as well 
as of the land force — two commands never before united in a single 
Spartan. He named his brother-in-law, Pisander, commander of 
the fleet. But in the following year (b.c. 394), whilst he was 
preparing an expedition on a grand scale into the interior of Asia 
Minor, he was suddenly recalled home to avert the dangers which 
threatened his native country. 

The jealousy and ill-will with which the newly acquired empire 
of the Spartans was regarded by the other Grecian states had not 
escaped the notice of the Persians ; and when Tithraustes suc- 
ceeded to the satrapy of Tissaphernes he resolved to avail himself 
of this feeling by exciting a war against Sparta in the heart of 
Greece itself. With this view he despatched one Timocrates, a 
Rhodian, to the leading Grecian cities which appeared hostile to 
Sparta, carrying with him a sum of 50 talents to be distributed 
among the chief men in each for the purpose of bringing them 
over to the views of Persia. Timocrates was successful iu Thebes, 
Corinth, and Argos ; but he appears not to have visited Athens. 

Hostilities were at first confined to Sparta and Thebes. A quarrel 



B.C. 394. 



DEATH OF LYSANDER. 



153 



having arisen between the Opuntian Locrians and the Phocians 
respecting a strip of border land, the former people appealed to the 
Thebans, who invaded Phocis. The Phocians on their side invoked 
the aid of the Lacedaemonians, who, elated with the prosperous 
state of their affairs in Asia, and moreover desirous of avenging the 
affronts they had received from the Thebans, readily listened to 
the appeal. Lysander, who took an active part in promoting the 
war, was directed to attack the town of Haliartus ; and it was 
arranged that king Pausanias should join him on a fixed day under 
the walls of that town, w T ith the main body of the Lacedaemonians 
and their Peloponnesian allies. 

Nothing could more strikingly denote the altered state of feeling 
in Greece than the request for assistance which the Thebans, thus 
menaced, made to their ancient enemies and rivals the Athenians. 
Nor were the Athenians backward in responding to the appeal. 
Lysander arrived at Haliartus before Pausanias. Here, in a sally 
made by the citizens, opportunely supported by the unexpected 
arrival of a body of Thebans, the army of Lysander was routed, and 
himself slain. His troops disbanded and dispersed themselves in 
the night time. Thus, when Pausanias at last came up, he found 
no army to unite with; and as an imposing Athenian force had 
arrived, he now, with the advice of his council, took the humiliating 
step — always deemed a confession of inferiority — of requesting a 
truce in order to bury the dead who had fallen in the preceding 
battle. Even this, however, the Thebans would not grant except 
on the condition that the Lacedsemonians should immediately quit 
their territory. With these terms Pausanias was forced to comply ; 
and after duly interring the bodies of Lysander and his fallen com- 
rades, the Lacedaemonians dejectedly pursued their homeward 
march. Pausanias, afraid to face the public indignation of the 
Spartans, took refuge in the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea ; and 
being condemned to death in his absence, only escaped that fate 
by remaining in the sanctuary. He was succeeded by his son 
Agesipolis. 

The enemies of Sparta took fresh courage from this disaster to 
her arms. Athens, Corinth, and Argos now formed with Thebes 
a solemn alliance against her. The league was soon joined by the 
Eubceans, the Acarnanians, and other Grecian states. In the 
spring of 394 B.C. the allies assembled at Corinth, and the war, 
which had been hitherto regarded as merely Boeotian, was now 
called the Corinthian, by which name it is known in history. 
This threatening aspect of affairs determined the Ephors to 
recall Agesilaus, as already related. 

The allies were soon in a condition to take the field with a force 



154 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XVI, 



of 24.000 hoplites, of whom, one-fourth were Athenians, together 
with a considerable body of light troops and cavalry. The Lace- 
daemonians had also made the most active preparations. In the 
neighbourhood of Corinth a battle was fought, in which the Lace- 
daemonians gained the victory, thongh then* allied troops were put 
to the ront. This battle, called the battle of Corinth, was fonght 
in July 394 B.C. 

Agesilaus. who had relinquished with a heavy heart his projected 
expedition into Asia, was now on his homeward march. By the 
promise of rewards he had persuaded the bravest and most efficient 
soldiers in his army to accompany him, amongst whom were many 
of the Ten Thousand, with Xenophon at then- head. The route of 
A gesilaus was much the same as the one formerly traversed by 
Xerxes, and the camels "which accompanied the army gave it some- 
what of an oriental aspect. At Aniphipolis he received the news 
of the victory at Corinth : but his heart was so full of schemes 
against Persia, that the feeling which it awakened in his bosom 
was rather one of regret that so many Greeks had fallen, whose 
united efforts might have emancipated Asia Minor, than of joy at 
the success of his countrymen. Having forced his way through a 
desultory opposition offered by the Thessalian cavalry, he crossed 
Mount Othrys, and marched unopposed the rest of the way through 
the straits of Thermopylae to the frontiers of Phocis and Bceotia. Here 
the evil tidings reached him of the defeat and death of his brother- 
in-law, Pisander, in a great sea-fight off C nidus in Caria 'August 394 
B.C.) Conon, with the assistance of Pharnabazus, had succeeded 
in raising a powerful fleet, partly Phoenician and partly Grecian, 
with which he either destroyed or captured more than half of the 
Lacedaemonian fleet. Agesilaus. fearing the impression which such 
sad news might produce upon his men, gave out that the Lace- 
demonian fleet had gained a victory ; and, having offered sacrifice 
as if for a victory, he ordered an advance. 

Agesilaus soon came up with the confederate army, which had 
prepared to oppose him in the plain of Coronea. The Thebans 
succeeded in driving in the Orchomenians, who formed the left 
wing of the army of Agesilaus, and penetrated as far as the baggage 
in the rear. But on the remainder of the line Agesilaus was vic- 
torious, and the Thebans now saw themselves cut off from their 
companions, who had retreated and taken up a position on Mount 
Helicon. Facing about and forming in deep and compact order, 
the Thebans sought to rejoin the main body, but they were opposed 
by Agesilaus and his troops. The shock of the conflicting masses 
which ensued was one of the most terrible recorded in the annals 
of Grecian warfare. The shields of the foremost ranks were 



B.C. 394. 



BATTLE OF CORONEA. 



157 



shattered, and their spears broken, so that daggers became the only 
available arm. Agesilaus, who was in the front ranks, unequal by 
his size and strength to sustain so furious an onset, was flung down, 
trodden on, and covered with wounds ; but the devoted courage of 
the 50 Spartans forming his body-guard rescued him from death. 
The Thebans finally forced their way through, but not without 
severe loss. The victory of Agesilaus was not very decisive ; but 
the Thebans tacitly acknowledged their defeat by soliciting the 
customary truce for the burial of their dead. 

Agesilaus, on his arrival at Sparta, was received with the most 
lively demonstrations of gratitude and esteem, and became hence- 
forward the sole director of Spartan policy. 

Thus in less than two months the Lacedaemonians had fought 
two battles on land, and one at sea ; namely, those of Corinth, 
Coronea, and Cnidus. But, though they had been victorious in the 
land engagements, they were so little decisive as to lead to no im- 
portant result ; whilst their defeat at Cnidus produced the most 
disastrous consequences. It was followed by the loss of nearly all 
their maritime empire, even faster than they had acquired it after 
the battle of iEgospotami. For as Conon and Phamabazus sailed 
with their victorious fleet from island to island, and from port to 
port, their approach was everywhere the signal for the flight or 
expulsion of the Spartan harmosts. 

In the spring of the following year (b.c. 393) Conon and Phama- 
bazus sailed to the isthmus of Corinth, then occupied as a central 
post by the allies. The appearance of a Persian fleet in the Saronic 
gulf was a strange sight to Grecian eyes, and one which might have 
served as a severe comment on the effect of their suicidal wars. 
Conon dexterously availed himself of the hatred of Phamabazus 
towards Sparta to procure a boon for his native city. As the satrap 
was on the point of proceeding homewards, Conon obtained leave 
to employ the seamen in rebuilding the fortifications of Piraeus and 
the long walls of Athens. Phamabazus also granted a large sum 
for the same purpose ; and Conon had thus the glory of appearing, 
like a second Themistocles, the deliverer and restorer of his country. 
Before the end of autumn the walls were rebuilt. Having thus, as 
it were, founded Athens a second time, Conon sailed to the islands 
to lay again the foundations of an Athenian maritime empire. 

During the remainder of this and the whole of the following year 
(b.c. 392) the war was earned on in the Corinthian territory. 

One of the most important events at this time was the destruction 
of a whole Lacedaemonian mora, or battalion, by the light-armed 
mercenaries of the Athenian Iphicrates. For the preceding two 
years Iphicrates had commanded a body of mercenaries, consisting 



158 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XVI. 



of peltasts,* who had been first organised by Conon after rebuilding 
the walls of Atliens. For this force Iphicrates introduced those 
improved arms and tactics which form an epoch in the Grecian art 
of -war. His object was to combine as far as possible the peculiar 
advantages of the hoplites and light-armed troops. He substituted 
a linen corslet for the coat of mail worn by the hoplites, and less- 
ened the shield, while he rendered the light javelin and short sword 
of the peltasts more effective by lengthening them both one-half. 
These troops soon proved very effective. After gaining several 
victories he ventured to make a sally from Corinth, and attacked 
a Lacedaemonian mora in flank and rear. So many fell under the 
darts and arrows of the peltasts that the Lacedaemonian captain 
called a halt, and ordered the youngest and most active of his hop- 
lites to rush forward and drive off the assailants. But their heavy 
arms rendered them quite unequal to such a mode of fighting ; nor 
did the Lacedaemonian cavalry, which now came up, but which 
acted with very little vigour and courage, produce any better effect. 
At length the Lacedaemonians succeeded in reaching an eminence, 
where they endeavoured to make a stand ; but at this moment 
Callias arrived with some Athenian hoplites from Corinth, where- 
upon the already disheartened Lacedaemonians broke and fled in 
confusion, pursued by the peltasts, who committed such havoc, 
chasing and killing some of them even in the sea, that but very 
few of the whole body succeeded in effecting their escape. 

The maritime war was prosecuted with vigour. Thrasybulus, 
and after his death Iphicrates, were successful upon the coast of 
Asia Minor, and made the Athenians again masters of the Helles- 
pont. Under these circumstances the Lacedaemonians resolved to 
spare no efforts to regain the good will of the Persians. Antalcidas, 
the Lacedaemonian commander on the Asiatic coast, entered into 
negociations with Tiribazus, who had succeeded Tithraustes in the 
satrapy of Ionia, in order to bring about a general peace under the 
mediation of Persia, Conducted by Tiribazus, Antalcidas repaired 
to the Persian court, and prevailed on the Persian monarch both 
to adopt the peace, and to declare war against those who should 
reject it. Antalcidas and Tiribazus returned to the coasts of Asia 
Minor, not only armed with these powers, but provided with an 
ample force to carry them into execution. In addition to the 
entire fleet of Persia, Dionysius of Syracuse had placed 20 triremes 
at the service of the Lacedaemonians ; and Antalcidas now sailed 
with a large fleet to the Hellespont, where Iphicrates and the 
Athenians were still predominant. The overwhelming force of 

* So called from the pelta, or kind of shield which they carried. 



B.C. 387. 



PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS. 



159 



Antalcidas, the largest that had been seen in the Hellespont since 
the battle of iEgospotami, rendered all resistance hopeless. The 
supplies of corn from the Euxine no longer found their way to 
Athens ; and the Athenians, depressed at once both by what they 
felt and by what they anticipated, began to long for peace. As 
without the assistance of Athens it seemed hopeless for the other 
allies to struggle against Sparta, all Greece was inclined to listen 
to an accommodation. 

Under these circumstances deputies from the Grecian states 
were summoned to meet Tiribazus ; who, after exhibiting to them 
the royal seal of Persia, read to them the following terms of a 
peace : " King Artaxerxes thinks it just that the cities in Asia and 
the islands of Clazomense and Cyprus should belong to him. He 
also thinks it just to leave all the other Grecian cities, both small 
and great, independent — except Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros, 
which are to belong to Athens, as of old. Should any parties 
refuse to accept this peace, I will make war upon them, along with 
those who are of the same mind, both by land and sea, with ships 
and with money." All the Grecian states accepted these terms. 

This disgraceful peace, called the Peace of Antalcidas, was 
concluded in the year B.C. 387. By it Greece seemed prostrated at 
the feet of the barbarians ; for its very terms, engraven on stone 
and set up in the sanctuaries of Greece, recognised the Persian 
king as the arbiter of her destinies. Although Athens cannot be 
entirely exonerated from the blame of this transaction, the chief 
guilt rests upon Sparta, whose designs were far deeper and more 
hypocritical than they appeared. Under the specious pretext of 
securing the independence of the Grecian cities, her only object 
was to break up the confederacies under Athens and Thebes, and, 
with the assistance of Persia, to pave the way for her own absolute 
dominion in Greece. 

No sooner was the peace of Antalcidas concluded than Sparta, 
directed by Agesilaus, the ever-active enemy of Thebes, exerted all 
her power to weaken that city. She began by proclaiming the 
independence of the various Boeotian cities, and by organizing in 
each a local oligarchy, adverse to Thebes and favourable to herself. 
Lacedaemonian garrisons were placed in Orchomenus and Thespiae, 
and Plataea was restored in order to annoy and weaken Thebes. 
Shortly afterwards the Lacedsemonians obtained possession of 
Thebes itself by an act of shameful treachery. They had declared 
war against Olynthus, a town situated at the head of the Toronaic 
gulf, in the peninsula of the Macedonian Ghalcidice, the head of a 
powerful confederation, which included several of the adjacent 
Grecian cities. The Thebans had entered into an alliance with 



160 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XVI. 



Olynthus, and had forbidden any of their citizens to join the 
Lacedaemonian army destined to act against it ; but they were 
not strong enough to prevent its marching through their terri- 
tory. Phcebidas, who was conducting a Lacedaemonian force 
against Olynthus, halted on his way through Bceotia not far 
from Thebes ; where he was visited by Leontiades, one of the 
polemarchs of the city, and two or three other leaders of the 
Lacedaemonian party in Thebes. It happened that the festival 
of the Thesmophoria was on the point of being celebrated, during 
which the Cadmea, or Theban Acropolis, was given up for the 
exclusive use of the women. The opportunity seemed favour- 
able for a surprise ; and Leontiades and Phcebidas concerted a 
plot to seize it. Whilst the festival was celebrating, Phcebidas 
pretended to resume his march, but only made a circuit round 
the city walls ; whilst Leontiades, stealing out of the senate, 
mounted his horse, and, joiiiing the Lacedaemonian troops, con- 
ducted them towards the Cadmea. It was a sultry summer's after- 
noon, so that the very streets were deserted ; and Phcebidas, with- 
out encountering any opposition, seized the citadel and all the 
women in it, to serve as hostages for the quiet submission of the 
Thebans (b.c. 382). This treacherous act during a period of pro- 
found peace awakened the liveliest indignation throughout Greece. 
Sparta herself could not venture to justify it openly, and Phcebidas 
was made the scape-goat of her affected displeasure. As a sort 
of atonement to the violated feeling of Greece, he was censured, 
fined, and dismissed. But that this was a mere farce is evident 
from the fact of his subsequent restoration to command; and, 
however indignant the Lacedaemonians affected to appear at the 
act of Phcebidas, they took care to reap the fruits of it by retaining 
their garrison in the Cadmea. 

The once haughty Thebes was now enrolled a member of the 
Lacedaemonian alliance, and furnished her contingent — the grateful 
offering of the new Theban government — for the war which Sparta, 
was prosecuting with redoubled vigour against Olynthus. This city 
was taken by the Lacedaemonians in b.c. 379 ; the Olynthian con- 
federacy was dissolved; the Grecian cities belonging to it were 
compelled to join the Lacedaemonian alliance ; whilst the maritime 
towns of Macedonia were reduced under the dominion of Amyntas, 
the king of Macedon. 

The power of Sparta on land had now attained its greatest height. 
Her unpopularity in Greece was commensurate with the extent of 
her harshly administered dominion. She was leagued on all sides 
with the enemies of Grecian freedom — with the Persians, with 
Amyntas of Macedon, and with Dionysius of Syracuse. But she 



B.C. 379. 



LIBERATION OF THEBES. 



161 



had now reached the turning-point of her fortunes, and her suc- 
cesses, which had been earned without scruple, were soon to be 
followed by misfortunes and disgrace. The first blow came from 
Thebes, where she had perpetrated her most signal injustice. 

That city had been for three years in the hands of Leontiades 
and the Spartan party. During this time great discontent had 
grown up among the resident citizens ; and there was also the party 
of exasperated exiles, who had taken refuge at Athens. Among 
these exiles was Pelopidas, a young man of birth and fortune, who 
had already distinguished himself by his disinterested patriotism 
and ardent character. He now took the lead in the plans formed 
for the liberation of his country, and was the heart and soul of 
the enterprise. His warm and generous heart was irresistibly 
attracted by everything great and noble ; and hence he was led to 
form a close and intimate friendship with Epaminondas, who was 
several years older than himself and of a still loftier character. 
Their friendship is said to have originated in a campaign in which 
they served together, when, Pelopidas having fallen in battle ap- 
parently dead, Epaminondas protected his body at the imminent risk 
of his own life. Pelopidas afterwards endeavoured to persuade 
Epaminondas to share his riches with him ; and when he did not 
succeed, he resolved to live on the same frugal fare as his great 
friend. A secret correspondence was opened with his friends at 
Thebes, the chief of whom were Phyllidas, secretary to the pole- 
marchs, and Charon. The dominant faction, besides the advantage 
of the actual possession of power, was supported by a garrison of 
1500 Lacedemonians. The enterprise, therefore, was one of con- 
siderable difficulty and danger. In the execution of it Phyllidas 
took a leading part. It was arranged that he should give a supper 
to Archias and Philippus, the two polemarchs, and after they had 
partaken freely of wine the conspirators were to be introduced, dis- 
guised as women, and to complete their work by the assassination 
of the polemarchs. On the day before the banquet, Pelopidas, with 
six other exiles, arrived at Thebes from Athens, and, straggling- 
through the gates towards dusk in the disguise of rustics and hunts- 
men, arrived safely at the house of Charon, where they remained 
concealed till the appointed hour. While the polemarchs were at 
table a messenger arrived from Athens with a letter for Archias, in 
which the whole plot was accurately detailed. The messenger, in 
accordance with his instructions, informed Archias that the letter 
related to matters of serious importance. But the polemarch, com- 
pletely engrossed by the pleasures of the table, thrust the letter 
under the pillow of his couch, exclaiming, " Serious matters to- 
morrow." 



162 



HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XVI 



The hour of their fate was now ripe. The conspirators, disguised 
with veils, and in the ample folds of female attire, were ushered 
into the room. For men in the state of the revellers the deception 
was complete ; but when they attempted to lift the veils from the 
women, their passion was rewarded by the mortal thrust of a dagger. 
After thus slaying the two polemarchs, the conspirators went to the 
house of Leontiades, whom they also despatched. 

The news of the revolution soon spread abroad. Proclamations 
were issued announcing that Thebes was free, and calling upon all 
citizens who valued their liberty to muster in the market-place. 
As soon as day dawned, and the citizens became aware that they 
were summoned to vindicate their liberty, their joy and enthusiasm 
were unbounded. For the first time since the seizure of their 
citadel they met in public assembly ; the conspirators, being intro- 
duced, were crooned by the priests with wreaths, and thanked in 
the name of their country's gods ; whilst the assembly, with grate- 
ful acclamation, unanimously nominated Pelopidas, Charon, and 
Mellon as the first restored Bceotarchs. 

Meanwhile the remainder of the Theban exiles, accompanied 
by a body of Athenian volunteers, assembled on the frontiers of 
Boeotia ; and, at the first news of the success of the conspiracy, 
hastened to Thebes to complete the revolution. The Thebans, 
under their new Bceotarchs, were already mounting to the assault 
of the Cadniea, when the Lacedeenionians capitulated, and were 
allowed to march out with the honours of war. The Athenians 
formed an alliance with the Thebans, and declared war against 
Sparta. 

From this time must be dated the ssra of a new political combi- 
nation in Greece. Athens strained every nerve to organize a fresh 
confederacy. Thebes did not scruple to enrol herself as one of its 
earliest members. The basis on which the confederacy was formed 
closely resembled that of Delos. The cities composing it were to 
be independent, and to send deputies to a congress at Athens, for 
the purpose of raising a common fund for the support of a naval 
force. Care was taken to banish all recollections connected with 
the former unpopularity of the Athenian empire. The name of 
the tribute was no longer plwros, but syntaxis, or " contribution." 
The confederacy, which ultimately numbered 70 cities, was chiefly 
organised through the exertions of Chabrias, and of Timotheus the 
son of Conon. Nor were the Thebans less zealous, amongst whom the 
Spartan government had left a lively feeling of antipathy. ,The 
military force was put in the best training, and the famous " Sacred 
Band ?! was now for the first time instituted. This band was a 
regiment of 300 hoplites. It was supported at the public expense, 



B.C. 378. ALLIANCE OF ATHENS AND THEBES. 



163 



and kept constantly under arms. It was composed of young and 
chosen citizens of the best families, and organized in such a manner 
that each man had at his side a dear and intimate friend. Its 
special duty was the defence of the Cadmea. 

The Thebans had always been excellent soldiers ; but their good 
fortune now gave them the greatest general that Greece had 
hitherto seen. Epaminondas, who now appears conspicuously in 
public life, deserves the reputation not merely of a Theban but of 
a Grecian hero. Sprung from a poor but ancient family, Epami- 
nondas possessed all the best qualities of his nation without that 
heaviness, either of body or of mind, which characterized and de- 
teriorated the Theban people. By the study of philosophy and by 
other intellectual pursuits his mind was enlarged beyond the sphere 
of vulgar superstition, and emancipated from that timorous inter- 
pretation of nature which caused even some of the leading men of 
those days to behold a portent in the most ordinary phenomenon. 
A still rarer accomplishment for a Theban was that of eloquence, 
which he possessed in no ordinary degree. These intellectual 
qualities were matched with moral virtues worthy to consort with 
them. Though eloquent, he was discreet ; though poor, he was 
neither avaricious nor corrupt; though naturally firm and cou- 
rageous, he was averse to cruelty, violence, and bloodshed ; though 
a patriot, he was a stranger to personal ambition, and scorned the 
little arts by which popularity is too often courted. Pelopidas, as 
we have already said, was his bosom friend. It was natural, there- 
fore, that, when Pelopidas was named Bceotarch, Epaminondas 
should be prominently employed in organizing the means of war ; but 
it was not till some years later that his military genius shone forth 
in its full lustre. 

The Spartans were resolved to avenge the repulse they had re- 
ceived ; and in the summer of B.C. 378 Agesilaus marched with a 
large army into Bceotia. He was unable, however, to effect any- 
thing decisive, and subsequent invasions were attended with the 
like result. The Athenians created a diversion in their favour by 
a maritime war, and thus for two years Bceotia was free from 
Spartan invasion. Thebes employed this time in extending her 
dominion over the neighbouring cities. One of her most important 
successes during this period was the victory gained by Pelopidas 
over a Lacedaemonian force near Tegyra, a village dependent upon 
Orchomenus (b.c. 375). Pelopidas had with him only the Sacred 
Band and a small body of cavalry when he fell in with the Lace- 
daemonians, who were nearly twice as numerous. He did not, how- 
ever, shrink from the conflict on this account ; and when one of his 
men, running up to him, exclaimed, " We are fallen into the midst 



164 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XVI. 



of the enemy," he replied, " Why so. more than they into the midst 
of us?" In the battle which ensued the two Spartan commanders 
fell at the first charge, and their men were put to the rout. So 
signal a victory inspired the Thebans with new confidence and 
vigour, as it showed that Sparta was not invincible even in a pitched 
battle, and with the advantage of numbers on her side. By the 
year 374 b.c. the Thebans had succeeded in expelling the Lacedae- 
monians from Boeotia, and revived the Boeotian confederacy. They 
also destroyed the restored city of Platsea, and obliged its inhabit- 
ants once more to seek refuge at Athens. 

The successes of the Thebans revived the jealousy and distrust of 
Athens. Prompted by these feelings, the Athenians opened nego- 
ciations for a peace with Sparta ; a resolution which was also 
adopted by the majority of the allies. 

A congress was accordingly opened in Sparta in the spring of 
371 b.c. The Athenians were represented by Callias and two 
other envoys ; the Thebans by Epaminondas, then one of the pole- 
marchs. The terms of a peace were agreed upon, by which the 
independence of the various Grecian cities was to be recognised ; 
and the Spartan harmosts and garrisons everywhere dismissed. 
Sparta ratified the treaty for herself and her allies ; but Athens 
took the oaths only for herself, and was followed separately by her 
allies. As Epaminondas refused to sign except in the name of 
the Boeotian confederation, Agesilaus directed the name of the 
Thebans to be struck out of the treaty, and proclaimed them 
excluded from it. 

The peace concluded between Sparta, Athens, and their respec- 
tive allies, was called the Peace of Callias. The result with 
regard to Thebes and Sparta will appear in the following chapter. 



Ocrece, Greaves. (From the JEgiuetan Marbles.) 



CHAPTEE XVII. 

THE SUPREMACY OF THEBES, B.C. 371-361. 

Ix pursuance of the treaty, the Lacedaemonians withdrew theii 
harmosts and garrisons, whilst the Athenians recalled their fleet 
from the Ionian sea. Only one feeling prevailed at Sparta — a 
desire to crush Thebes. This city was regarded as doomed to 
destruction ; and it was not for a moment imagined that, single- 
handed, she would be able to resist the might of Sparta. At the 
time when the peace was concluded Cleombrotus happened to be 
in Phocis at the head of a Lacedaemonian army ; and he now 
received orders to invade Boeotia without delay. The Thebans, 
on their side, were equally determined on resistance. The two 
armies met on the memorable plain of Leuctra, near Thespiae. 
The forces on each side are not accurately known, but it seems 
probable that the Thebans were outnumbered by the Lacedaemo- 
nians. The military genius of Epaminondas, however, compen- 
sated any inferiority of numbers by novelty of tactics. Up to this 
time Grecian battles had been uniformly conducted by a general 
attack in line. Epaminondas now first adopted the manoeuvre, 
used with such success by Napoleon in modern times, of concen- 
trating heavy masses on a given point of the enemy's array. Having 
formed his left wing into a dense column of 50 deep, so that its 
depth was greater than its front, he directed it against the Lacedae- 
monian right, containing the best troops in their army, drawn up 
12 deep, and led by Cleombrotus in person. The shock was ter 
rible. Cleombrotus himself was mortally wounded in the onset. 



166 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XVII 



and with difficulty carried off by his comrades. Numbers of his 
officers, as well as of his men, were slain, and the whole wing was 
broken and driven back to their camp. The loss of the Thebans 
was small compared with that of the Lacedaemonians. Out of 700 
Spartans in the army of the latter, 400 had fallen ; and their king 
also had been slain, an event which had not occurred since the 
fatal day of Thermopylae. 

The victory of Leuctra was gained within three weeks after the 
exclusion of the Thebans from the peace of Callias. The effect of 
it throughout Greece was electrical. It was everywhere felt that 
a new military power had arisen — that the prestige of the old 
Spartan discipline and tactics had departed. Yet at Sparta itself, 
though the reverse was the greatest that her arms had ever sus- 
tained, the news of it was received with an assumption of indif- 
ference characteristic of the people. The Ephors forbade the chorus 
of men, who were celebrating in the theatre the festival of the 
Gyranopaedia, to be interrupted. They contented themselves with 
directing the names of the slain to be communicated to their rela- 
tives, and with issuing an order forbidding the women to wail and 
mourn. Those whose friends had fallen appeared abroad on the 
morrow with joyful countenances, whilst the relatives of the sur- 
vivors seemed overwhelmed with grief and shame. 

Immediately after the battle the Thebans had sent to Jason of 
Pherae in Thessaly to solicit his aid against the Lacedaemonians. 
This despot was one of the most remarkable men of the period. 
He was Tagus, or Generalissimo, of all Thessaly ; and Macedonia 
was partially dependent on him. He was a man of boundless 
ambition, and meditated nothing less than extending his dominion 
over the whole of Greece, for which his central situation seemed to 
offer many facilities. Upon receiving the invitation of the Thebans, 
Jason i mm ediately resolved to join them. When he arrived the 
Thebans were anxious that he should unite with them in an attack 
upon the Lacedaemonian camp ; but Jason dissuaded them from 
the enterprise, advising them not to drive the Lacedaemonians to 
despair, and offering his mediation. He accordingly succeeded in 
effecting a truce, by which the Lacedaemonians were allowed to 
depart from Bceotia unmolested. 

According to Spartan custom, the survivors of a defeat were 
looked upon as degraded men, and subjected to the penalties of 
civil infamy. No allowance was made for circumstances. But 
those who had fled at Leuctra were three hundred in number ; an 
attempt to enforce against them the usual penalties might prove 
not only inconvenient, but even dangerous; and on the proposal 
of Agesilaus, they were, for this occasion only, suspended. The 



B.C. 370. EPAMINONDAS INVADES LACONIA. 



167 



loss of material power which Sparta sustained by the defeat was 
great. The ascendency she had hitherto enjoyed in parts north of 
the Corinthian gulf fell from her at once, and was divided between 
Jason of Pherse and the Thebans. Jason was shortly afterwards 
assassinated. His death was felt as a relief by Greece, and espe- 
cially by Thebes. He was succeeded by his two brothers, Poly- 
phron and Polydorus ; but they possessed neither his ability nor 
his power. 

The Athenians stood aloof from the contending parties. They 
had not received the news of the battle of Leuctra with any plea- 
sure, for they now dreaded Thebes more than Sparta. But instead 
of helping the latter, they endeavoured to prevent either from 
obtaining the supremacy in Greece, and for this purpose called 
upon the other states to form a new alliance upon the terms of the 
peace of Antalcidas. Most of the Peloponnesian states joined this 
new league. Thus even the Peloponnesian cities became in- 
dependent of Sparta. But this was not all. Never did any state 
fall with greater rapidity. She not only lost the dominion over 
states which she had exercised for centuries ; but two new political 
powers sprang up in the peninsula, which threatened her own 
independence. 

In the following year (b.c. 370) Epaminondas marched into 
Laconia, and threatened Sparta itself. The city, which was wholly 
unfortified, was filled with confusion and alarm. The women, who 
had never yet seen the face of an enemy, gave vent to their fears 
in wailing and lamentation. Agesilaus, however, was undismayed, 
and saved the state by his vigilance and energy. He repulsed the 
cavalry of Epaminondas as they advanced towards Sparta ; and so 
vigorous were his measures of defence, that the Theban general 
abandoned all further attempt upon the city, and proceeded south- 
wards as far as Helos and Gythium on the coast, the latter the 
port and arsenal of Sparta. After laying waste with fire and 
sword the valley of the Eurotas, he retraced his steps to the fron- 
tiers of Arcadia. 

Epaminondas now proceeded to carry out the two objects for 
which his march had been undertaken ; namely, the consolidation 
of the Arcadian confederation, and the establishment of the Mes- 
senians as an independent community. In the prosecution of the 
former of these designs the mutual jealousy of the various Arca- 
dian cities rendered it necessary that a new one should be founded, 
which should be regarded as the capital of the confederation. 
Consequently, a new city was built on the banks of the Helisson, 
called Megalopolis, and peopled by the inhabitants of forty distinct 
Arcadian townships. Here a synod of deputies from the towns 



168 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XVII. 



composing the confederation, called s; The Ten Thousand," was 
to meet periodically for the despatch of business. Epaminondas 
next proceeded to re-establish the Messenian state. The Messenians 
had formerly lived under a dynasty of their own kings ; but for 
the last three centuries their land had been in the possession of 
the Lacedtemonians, and they had been fugitives upon the face 
of the earth. The restoration of these exiles, dispersed in 
various Hellenic colonies, to their former rights, would plant a 
bitterly hostile neighbour on the very borders of Laconia. Epami- 
nondas accordingly opened communications with them, and numbers 
of them nocked to his standard during his march into Pelopon- 
nesus. He now founded the town of Messene'. Its citadel was 
placed on the summit of Mount Ithome, which had three centuries 
before been so bravely defended by the Messenians against the 
Spartans. The strength of its fortifications was long afterwards a 
subject of admiration. The territory attached to the new city 
extended southwards to the Messenian gulf, and northwards to the 
borders of Arcadia, comprising some of the most fertile land in 
Peloponnesus. 

So low had Sparta sunk, that she was fain to send envoys to 
beg the assistance of the Athenians. This request was acceded 
to ; and shortly afterwards an alliance was formed between the 
two states, in which Sparta waived all her claims to superiority 
and headship. During the next two years the Thebans continued 
steadily to increase their power and influence in Greece, though no 
great battle was fought. In b.c. 368 Pelopidas conducted a Theban 
force into Thessaly and Macedonia. In Thessaly he compelled 
Alexander, who, by the murder of his two brothers, had become 
despot of Phera? and Tagus of Thessaly. to relinquish his designs 
against the independence of Larissa and other Thessalian cities, 
and to solicit peace. In Macedonia he formed an alliance with 
the regent Ptolemy : and amongst the hostages given for the 
observance of this treaty was the youthful Philip, son of Amyntas, 
afterwards the celebrated king of Macedom who remained for some 
years at Thebes. 

In the following year Pelopidas and Ismenias proceeded on an 
embassy to Persia. Ever since the peace of Antalcidas the Great 
King had become the recognised mediator between the states of 
Greece ; and his fiat seemed indispensable to stamp the claims of 
that city which pretended to the headship. The recent achieve- 
ments of Thebes might entitle her to aspire to that position : and 
at all events the alterations which she had produced in the internal 
state of Greece, by the establishment of Megalopolis and Messene, 
seemed to require for their stability the sanction of a Persian 



B.C. 364. 



DEATH OF PELOPIDAS. 



169 



rescript. This was obtained without difficulty, as Thebes was now 
the strongest state in Greece ; and it was evidently easier to exer- 
cise Persian ascendency there by her means, than through a weaker 
power. The Persian rescript pronounced the independence of 
Messene and Amphipolis ; the Athenians were directed to lay up 
their ships of war in ordinary ; and Thebes was declared the head 
of Greece. 

It was, in all probability, during a mission undertaken by Pelo- 
pidas and Ismenias, for the purpose of procuring the acknowledg- 
ment of the rescript in Thessaly and the northern parts of* Greece, 
that they were seized and imprisoned by Alexander of Pherse. 
The Thebans immediately despatched an army of 8000 hoplites 
and 600 cavalry to recover or avenge their favourite citizen. 
Unfortunately, however, they were no longer commanded by Epa- 
minondas. Their present commanders were utterly incompetent. 
They were beaten and forced to retreat, and the army was in such 
danger from the active pursuit of the Thessalians and Athenians, 
that its destruction seemed inevitable. Luckily, however, Epami- 
nondas was serving as a hoplite in the ranks. By the unanimous 
voice of the troops he was now called to the command, and suc- 
ceeded in conducting the army safely back to Thebes. Here the 
unsuccessful Boeotarchs were disgraced ; Epaminondas was restored 
to the command, and placed at the head of a second Theban army 
destined to attempt the release of Pelopidas. Directed by his 
superior skill, the enterprise proved successful, and Pelopidas 
(b.c. 367) returned in safety to Thebes. 

In b.c. 364 Pelopidas again marched into Thessaly against Alex- 
ander of Pherse. Strong complaints of the tyranny of that despot 
arrived at Thebes, and Pelopidas, who probably also burned to 
avenge his private wrongs, prevailed upon the Thebans to send 
him into Thessaly to punish the tyrant. The battle was fought on 
the hills of Cynoscephalse ; the troops of Alexander were routed ; 
and Pelopidas, observing his hated enemy endeavouring to rally 
them, was seized with such a transport of rage that, regardless of 
his duties as a general, he rushed impetuously forwards and chal- 
lenged him to single combat. Alexander shrunk back within the 
ranks of his guards, followed impetuously by Pelopidas, who was 
soon slain, fighting with desperate bravery. Although the army 
of Alexander was defeated with severe loss, the news of the death 
of Pelopidas deprived the Thebans and their Thessalian allies 
of all the joy which they would otherwise have felt at their 
victory. 

Meantime a war had been carried on between Elis and Arcadia, 
which had led to disunion among the Arcadians themselves. The 



170 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XVII. 



Mantineans supported the Eleans, who were also assisted by the 
Spartans ; whilst the rest of the Arcadians, and especially the 
Tegeans, favoured Thebes. In B.C. 362 Epaminondas marched 
into Peloponnesns to support the Theban party in Arcadia. 
The Spartans sent a powerful force to the assistance of the Man- 
tineans, in whose territory the hostile armies met. In the battle 
which ensued Epaminondas formed his Boeotian troops into a 
column of extraordinary depth, with which he bore down all 
before them. The Mantineans and Lacedaemonians turned and 
fled, and the rest followed their example. The day was won; 
but Epaminondas, who fought in the foremost ranks, fell pierced 
with a mortal wound. His fall occasioned such consternation 
among his troops, that, although the enemy were in full flight, 
they did not know how to use their advantage, and remained 
rooted to the spot. Epaminondas was carried off the field with 
the spear-head still fixed in his breast. Having satisfied himself 
that his shield was safe, and that the victory was gained, he 
inquired for Iolaidas and Daiphantus, whom he intended to suc- 
ceed him in the command. Being informed that both were slain : 
"Then," he observed, "you must make peace." After this he 
ordered the spear-head to be withdrawn ; when the gush of blood 
wliich followed soon terminated his life. Thus died this truly 
great man ; and never was there one whose title to that epithet 
has been less disputed. Antiquity is unanimous in his praise, and 
some of the first men of Greece subsequently took him for their 
model. "With him the commanding influence of Thebes began 
and ended. His last advice was adopted, and peace was concluded 
probably before the Theban army quitted Peloponnesus. Its basis 
was a recognition of the status quo — to leave everything as it was, 
to acknowledge the Arcadian constitution and the independence of 
Messene. Sparta alone refused to join it on account of the last 
article, but she was not supported by her allies. 

Agesilaus had lived to see the empire of Sparta extinguished by 
her hated rival. Thus curiously had the prophecy been fulfilled 
which warned Sparta of the evils awaiting her under a "lame 
sovereignty." But Agesilaus had not yet abandoned all hope ; 
and he now directed his views towards the east as the quarter from 
which Spartan power might still be resuscitated. At the age of 
80 the indomitable old man proceeded with a force of 1000 hoplites 
to assist Tachos, king of Egypt, in his revolt against Persia. He 
died at Cyrene on his return to Greece. His body was embalmed 
in wax, and splendidly buried in Sparta. 



Coin of Syracuse. 



CHAPTEE XVIII. 

HISTORY OF THE SICILIAN GREEKS FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF 
THE ATHENIAN ARMAMENT TO THE DEATH OF TIMOLEON. 

The affairs of the Sicilian Greeks, an important branch of the 
Hellenic race, deserve a passing notice. A few years after the 
destruction of the Athenian armament, Dionysius made himself 
master of Syracuse, and openly seized upon the supreme power 
(b.c. 405). His reign as tyrant or despot was long and prosperous. 
After conquering the Carthaginians, who more than once invaded 
Sicily, he extended his dominion over a great part of the island, 
and over a considerable portion of Magna Grsecia. He raised Syra- 
cuse to be one of the chief Grecian states, second in influence, if 
indeed second, to Sparta alone. Under his sway Syracuse was 
strengthened and embellished with new fortifications, docks, arsenals, 
and other public buildings, and became superior even to Athens in 
extent and population, 



172 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XVIII. 



Dionysius was a warm patron of literature, and was anxious to 
gain distinction by his literary compositions. In the midst of his 
political and military cares he devoted himself assiduously to 
poetry, and not only caused his poems to be publicly recited at the 
Olympic games, but repeatedly contended for the prize of tragedy 
at Athens. In accordance with the same spirit we find him seeking 
the society of men distinguished in literature and philosophy. 
Plato, who visited Sicily about the year 389 from a curiosity to see 
Mount iEtua, was introduced to Dionysius by Dion. The high 
moral tone of Plato's conversation did not however prove so at- 
tractive to Dionysius as it had done to Dion ; and the philosopher 
was not only dismissed with aversion and dislike, but even, it seems, 
through the machinations of Dionysius, seized, bound, and sold for 
a slave in the island of JEgina. He was, however, repurchased by 
Annie eris of Gyrene, and sent back to Athens. 

Dionysius died in b.c. 367, and was succeeded by his eldest son, 
commonly called the younger Dionysius, who was about 25 years 
of age at the time of Ms father's death. At first he listened to the 
counsels of Dion, who had always enjoyed the respect and con- 
fidence of his father. At the advice of Dion he invited Plato to 
Syracuse, where the philosopher was received with the greatest 
honour. His illustrious pupil immediately began to take lessons in 
geometry ; superfluous dishes disappeared from the royal table ; 
and Dionysius even betrayed some symptoms of a wish to mitigate 
the former rigours of the despotism. But now the old courtiers 
took the alarm. It was whispered to Dionysius that the whole was 
a deep-laid scheme on the part of Dion for the purpose of effecting 
a revolution and placing his own nephews on the throne.* These 
accusations had the desired effect on the mind of Dionysius, who 
shortly afterwards expelled Dion from Sicily. Plato with difficulty 
obtained permission to return to Greece (b.c. 360). Dionysius now 
gave way to his vices without restraint, and became an object of 
contempt to the Syracusans. Dion saw that the time had come 
for avenging his own wrongs as well as those of his country. Col- 
lecting a small force, he sailed to Sicily, and suddenly appeared 
before the gates of Syracuse during the absence of Dionysius on an 
expedition to the coasts of Italy. The inhabitants, filled with joy, 
welcomed Dion as their deliverer; and Dionysius on his return 
from Italy found himself compelled to quit Syracuse (b.c. 356), 
leaving Dion undisputed master of the city. The latter was now in 

* The elder Dionysius had married two wives at the same time : one of 
these was a Locrian woman named Doris ; the other, Aristomache, was a 
Syracusan, and the sister of Dion. The younger Dionysius was his eldest 
son by Doris ; hut he also had children by Aristomache. 



B.C. 344. 



TIMOLEON INVADES SILICY. 



173 



a condition to carry out all those exalted notions of political life 
which he had sought to instil into the mind of Dionysius. He 
seems to have contemplated some political changes ; but his imme- 
diate and practical acts were tyrannical, and were rendered still 
more unpopular by his overbearing manners. His unpopularity 
continued to increase, till at length one of his bosom friends — the 
Athenian Callippus — seized the opportunity to mount to power by 
his murder, and caused him to be assassinated in his own house. 
This event took place in 353, about three years after the expulsion 
of the Dionysian dynasty. Callippus contrived to retain the sove- 
reign power only a twelvemonth. A period of anarchy followed, 
during which Dionysius made himself master of the city by 
treachery, about B.C. 346. Dionysius, however, was not able to re- 
establish himself firmly in his former power. Most of the other 
cities of Sicily had shaken off the yoke of Syracuse, and were 
governed by petty despots. Meantime the Carthaginians prepared 
to take advantage of the distracted condition of Sicily. In the 
extremity of their sufferings, several of the Syracusan exiles ap- 
pealed for aid to Corinth, their mother-city. The application was 
granted, and Timoleon was appointed to command an expedition 
destined for the relief of Syracuse. 

Timoleon was distinguished for gentleness as well as for courage, 
but towards traitors and despots his hatred was intense. He had 
once saved the life of his elder brother Timophanes in battle at the 
imminent peril of his own ; but when Timophanes, availing himself 
of his situation as commander of the garrison in the Acrocorinthus, 
endeavoured to enslave his country, Timoleon did not hesitate to 
consent to his death. Twice before had Timoleon pleaded with 
his brother, beseeching him not to destroy the liberties of his 
country ; but when Timophanes turned a deaf ear to thcoe appeals, 
Timoleon connived at the action of his friends, who put him to 
death, whilst he himself, bathed in a flood of tears, stood a little 
way aloof. The great body of the citizens regarded the conduct 
of Timoleon with love and admiration. In the mind of Timoleon, 
however, their approving verdict was far more than outweighed 
by the reproaches and execrations of his mother. For many years 
nothing could prevail upon him to return to public life. He buried 
himself in the country far from the haunts of men, till a chance 
voice in the Corinthian assembly nominated him as the leader of 
the expedition against Dionysius. 

Roused by the nature of the cause, and the exhortations of his 
friends, Timoleon accepted the post thus offered to him. His suc- 
cess exceeded his hopes. As soon as he appeared before Syracuse, 
Dionysius, who appears to have abandoned all hope of ultimate 



174 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XVIII. 



success, surrendered the citadel into Ms hands, on condition of 
being allowed to depart in safety to Corinth (b.c. 343). Dionysius 
passed the remainder of his life at Corinth, where he is said to have 
displayed some remnants of Ms former luxury by the fastidious 
taste wMch he showed in the choice of Ms viands, unguents, dress, 
and furMture ; wMlst his literary inclinations manifested themselves 
in teaching the public singers and actors, and in opemng a school 
for boys. 

Timoleon also expelled the other tyrants from the Sicilian cities, 
and gained a great victory over the Carthagimans at the river 
Crimesus (or Crimissus). He restored a republican constitution to 
Syracuse ; and Ms first public act was to destroy the impregnable 
fortifications of the citadel of Ortygia, the stronghold of the elder 
and the younger Dionysius. All the rewards wMch Timoleon 
received for his great services were a house in Syracuse, and some 
landed property in the neighbourhood of the city. He now sent 
for Ms family from Corinth, and became a Syracusan citizen. He 
continued, however, to retain, though in a private station, the 
greatest influence in the state. During the latter part of Ms life, 
though he was totally deprived of sight, yet, when important affairs 
were discussed in the assembly, it was customary to send for 
Timoleon, who was drawn in a car into the middle of the theatre 
amid the shouts and affectionate greetings of the assembled citi- 
zens. When the tumult of Ms reception had subsided he listened 
patiently to the debate. The opiMon which he pronounced was 
usually ratified by the vote of the assembly ; and he then left the 
theatre amidst the same cheers which had greeted Ms arrival. In 
tMs happy and honoured condition he breathed Ms last in B.C. 336, 
a few years after the battle of Crimesus. He was splendidly in- 
terred at the public cost, wMlst the tears of the whole SyracusaD 
population followed him to the grave. 




Plato. 




Demosthenes. 



CHAPTEE XIX. 

PHILIP OF MACEDON, B.C. 359-336. 

The internal dissensions of Greece produced their natural fruits ; 
and we shall have now to relate the downfall of her independence 
and her subjugation by a foreign power. This power was Mace- 
donia, an obscure state to the north of Thessaly, hitherto over- 
looked and despised, and considered as altogether barbarous, and 
without the pale of Grecian civilization. But though the Mace- 
donians were not Greeks, their sovereigns claimed to be descended 
from an Hellenic race, namely, that of Temenus of Argos ; and it 
is said that Alexander I. proved his Argive descent previously to 
contending at the Olympic games. Perdiccas is commonly regarded 
as the founder of the monarchy ; of the history of which, however, 
little is known till the reign of Amyntas I., his fifth successor, 
who was contemporary with the Pisistratidse at Athens. Under 
Amyntas, who submitted to the satrap Megabyzus, Macedonia be- 
came subject to Persia, and remained so till after the battle of 
Plataea. The reigns of the succeeding sovereigns present little that 
m remarkable, with the exception of that of Archelaus (b.c. 413). 
This monarch transferred his residence from Mgse to Pella, which 
thus became the capital. He entertained many literary men at his 
court, such as Euripides, who ended his days at Pella. Archelaus 
was assassinated in b.c. 399, and the crown devolved upon Amyn- 
tas II., a representative of the ancient line. Amyntas left three 
sons, the youngest being the celebrated Philip, of whom we have 
now to speak. 

It has been already mentioned that the youthful Philip was one 
of the hostages delivered to the Thebans as security for the peace 



176 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XIX. 



effected by Pelopidas. His residence at Thebes gave him some 
tincture of Grecian philosophy and literature; but the most im- 
portant lesson which he learned at that city was the art of war, 
with all the improved tactics introduced by Epaminondas. Philip 
succeeded to the throne at the age of 23 (b.c. 359), and displayed 
at the beginning of his reign his extraordinary energy and abilities. 
After defeating the Illyrians he established a standing army, in 
which discipline was preserved by the severest punishments. He 
introduced the far-famed Macedonian phalanx, which was 16 men 
deep, armed with long projecting spears. 

Pliilip's views were first turned towards the eastern frontiers of 
his dominions, where his interests clashed with those of the Athe- 
nians. A few years before the Athenians had made various un- 
availing attempts to obtain possession of Amphipolis, once the 
jewel of their empire, but which they had never recovered since its 
capture by Brasidas in the eighth year of the Peloponnesian war. 
Its situation at the mouth of the Strymon rendered it also valuable 
to Macedonia, not only as a commercial port, but as opening a 
passage into Thrace. The Olynthians were likewise anxious to 
enrol Amphipolis as a member of their confederacy, and accordingly 
proposed to the Athenians to form an alliance for the purpose of 
defending Amphipolis against their mutual enemy. An alliance 
between these two powerful states would have proved an insur- 
mountable obstacle to Philip's views : and it was therefore abso- 
lutely necessary to prevent this coalition. Here we have the first 
instance of Philip's skill and duplicity in negotiation. By secretly 
promising the Athenians that he would put Amphipolis into their 
hands if they would give him possession of Pydna, he induced 
them to reject the overtures of the Olynthians ; and by ceding to 
the latter the town of Anthemus, he bought off their opposition. 
He now laid siege to Amphipolis, which, being thus left unaided, 
fell into his hands (b.c. 358). He then forthwith marched against 
Pydna, which surrendered to him ; but on the ground that it was 
not the Athenians who had put him in possession of this town, he 
refused to give up Amphipolis to them. 

Philip had now just reason to dread the enmity of the Athenians, 
and accordingly it was his policy to court the favour of the Olyn- 
thians, and to prevent them from renewing their negotiations with 
the Athenians. In order to separate them more effectually, he 
assisted the Olynthians in recovering Potidsea, which had formerly 
belonged to their confederacy, but was now in the hands of the 
Athenians. On the capture of the town he handed it over to the 
Olynthians. Plutarch relates that the capture of Potidsea was ac- 
companied with three other fortunate events in the life of Philip ; 



B.C. 357. 



SOCIAL AND SACRED WARS. 



177 



namely, the prize gained by his chariot at the Olympic games, a 
victory of his general Parmenio over the Illyrians, and the birth of 
his son Alexander. These events happened in b.c. 356. 

Philip now crossed the Strymon, on the left bank of which lay 
Panga3us, a range of mountains abounding in gold-mines. He 
conquered the district, and founded there a new town called 
Philippi, on the site of the ancient Thracian town of Crenides. By 
improved methods of working the mines he made them yield an 
annual revenue of 1000 talents, nearly 250,000Z. 

Meanwhile Athens was engaged in a war with her allies, which 
has been called the Social War ; and which was, perhaps, the rea- 
son why she was obliged to look quietly on whilst Philip was thus 
aggrandizing himself at her expense. This war broke out in 
B.C. 357. The chief causes of it seem to have been the contri- 
butions levied upon the allies by the Athenian generals. The war 
lasted three years ; and as Artaxerxes, the Persian king, threatened 
to support the allies with a fleet of 300 ships, the Athenians were 
obliged to consent to a disadvantageous peace, which secured the 
independence of the more important allies (b.c. 355). 

Another war, which had been raging during the same time, 
tended still further to exhaust the Grecian states, and thus pave 
the way for Philip's progress to the supremacy. This was the 
Sacred War, which broke out between Thebes and Phocis in the 
same year as the Social War (b.c. 357). An ill-feeling had long 
subsisted between those two countries. The Thebans now availed 
themselves of the influence which they possessed in the Amphicty- 
onic council to take vengeance upon the Phocians, and accordingly 
induced this body to impose a heavy fine upon the latter people, 
because they had cultivated a portion of the Cirrhsean plain, which 
had been consecrated to the Delphian god, and was to lie waste for 
ever. The Phocians pleaded that the payment of the fine would 
ruin them ; but instead of listening to their remonstrances, the 
Amphictyons doubled the amount, and threatened, in case of their 
continued refusal, to reduce them to the condition of serfs. Thus 
driven to desperation, the Phocians resolved to complete the sacri- 
lege with which they had been branded, by seizing the very temple 
of Delphi itself. The leader and counsellor of this enterprise was 
Philomelus, who, with a force of no more than 2000 men, surprised 
and took Delphi. At first, however, he carefully abstained from 
touching the sacred treasure ; but being hard pressed by the Thebans 
and their allies, he threw off the scruples which he had hitherto 
assumed, and announced that the sacred treasures should be con- 
verted into a fund for the payment of mercenaries. On the death 
of Philomelus, who fell in battle, the command was assumed by his 

N 



173 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XIX. 



brother Ononiarchus, who carried on the war with vigour and suc- 
cess. But he was checked in his career by Philip, who had pre- 
viously been extending his dominion over Thessaly, and who now 
assumed the character of a champion of the Delphic god, and made 
his soldiers wear wreaths of laurel plucked in the groves of Tempe. 
He penetrated into Thessaly, and encountered the Phocians near 
the gulf of Pagasse. In the battle which ensued, Onomarchus was 
slain, and his army totally defeated (b.c. 352). This victory made 
Philip master of Thessaly. He now directed his march southwards 
with the view of subduing the Phocians ; but upon reaching Ther- 
mopylae he found the pass guarded by a strong Athenian force, and 
was compelled, or considered it more prudent, to retreat. 

After his return from Thessaly Philip's views were directed 
towards Tlrrace and the Chersonese. It was at this juncture that 
Demosthenes stepped forwards as the proclaimed opponent of 
Philip, and delivered the first of those celebrated orations which from 
their subject have been called " the Philippics." This most famous 
of all the Grecian orators was born in b.c. 382-381. Having lost 
his father at the early age of seven, his guardians abused their 
trust, and defrauded him of the greater part of his paternal inherit- 
ance. This misfortune, however, proved one of the causes which 
tended to make him an orator. Demosthenes, as he advanced 
towards manhood, perceived with indignation the conduct of his 
guardians, for which he resolved to make them answerable when 
the proper opportunity should arrive, by accusing them himself. 
His first attempt to speak in public proved a failure, and he retired 
from the bema amidst the hootings and laughter of the citizens. 
The more judicious and candid among his auditors perceived, how- 
ever, marks of genius in his speech, and rightly attributed his 
failure to timidity and want of due preparation. Eunomus, an aged 
citizen, who met him wandering about the Piraeus in a state of 
dejection at his ill success, bade him take courage and persevere. 
Demosthenes now withdrew awhile from public life, and devoted 
himself perseveringly to remedy his defects. They were such as 
might be lessened, if not removed, by practice, and consisted chiefly 
of a weak voice, imperfect articulation, and ungraceful and inap- 
propriate action. He derived much assistance from Satyrus the 
actor, who exercised him in reciting passages froni Sophocles and 
Euripides. He studied the best rhetorical treatises and orations, 
and is said to have copied the work of Thucydides with his own 
hand no fewer than eight times. He shut himself up for two or 
three months together in a subterranean chamber in order to prac- 
tise composition and declamation. His perseverance was crowned 
with success ; and he who on the first attempt had descended from 



B.C. 352. 



DEMOSTHENES— FIRST PHILIPPIC. 



179 



the bema amid the ridicule of the crowd, became at last the most 
perfect orator the world has ever seen. 

Demosthenes had established himself as a public speaker before 
the period which we have now reached ; but it is chiefly in con- 
nexion with Philip that we are to view him as a statesman as well 
as an orator. Philip had shown his ambition by the conquest of 
Thessaly, and by the part he had taken in the Sacred War ; and 
Demosthenes now began to regard him as the enemy of the liberties 
of Athens and of Greece. In his first " Philippic " Demosthenes 
tried to rouse his countrymen to energetic measures against this 
formidable enemy; but his warnings and exhortations produced 
little effect, for the Athenians were no longer distinguished by the 
same spirit of enterprise which had characterized them in the days 
of their supremacy. No important step was taken to curb the 
growing power of Philip ; and it was the danger of Olynthus which 
first induced the Athenians to prosecute the war with a little more 
energy. In 350 B.C., Philip having captured a town in Chalcidice, 
Olynthus began to tremble for her own safety, and sent envoys to 
Athens to crave assistance. Olynthus was still at the head of thirty- 
two Greek towns, and the confederacy was a sort of counterpoise to 
the power of Philip. It was on this occasion that Demosthenes de- 
livered his three Olynthaic orations, in which he warmly advocated 
an alliance with Olynthus. 

Demosthenes was opposed by a strong party, with which Phocion 
commonly acted. Phocion is one of the most singular and original 
characters in Grecian history. He viewed the multitude and their 
affairs with a scorn which he was at no pains to disguise ; receiving 
their anger with indifference, and their praises with contempt. His 
known probity also gave him weight with the assembly. He was 
the only statesman of whom Demosthenes stood in awe ; who was 
accustomed to say, when Phocion rose, " Here comes the pruner of 
my periods." But Phocion's desponding views, and his mistrust of 
the Athenian people, made him an ill statesman at a period which 
demanded the most active patriotism. He doubtless injured his 
country by contributing to check the more enlarged and patriotic 
views of Demosthenes ; and though his own conduct was pure and 
disinterested, he unintentionally threw his weight on the side of 
those who, like Demades and others, were actuated by the basest 
motives. This division of opinion rendered the operations of the 
Athenians for the aid of the Olynthians languid and desultory. 
Town after town of the confederacy fell before Philip ; and in 347 
Olynthus itself was taken. The whole of the Chalciclian peninsula 
thus became a Macedonian province. 

The prospects of Athens now became alarming. Her possessions 

N 2 



180 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XIX. 



in the Chersonese were threatened, as well as the freedom of the 
Greek towns upon the Hellespont. The Athenians had supported 
the Phocians in the Sacred War, and were thus at war with Thebes. 
In order to resist Philip the attention of the Athenians was now 
directed towards a reconciliation with Thebes, especially since the 
treasures of Delphi were nearly exhausted, and on the other hand 
the war was becoming every year more and more burthensome to 
the Thebans. Xor did it seem improbable that a peace might be 
concluded not only between those two cities, but among the Grecian 
states generally. It seems to have been this aspect of affairs that 
induced Philip to make several indirect overtures to the Athenians 
in the summer of b.c. 347. In spite of subsidies from Delphi the 
war had been very onerous to them, and they received these ad- 
vances with joy, and eventually agreed to the terms of a peace. 
Having thus gained over the Athenians, Philip marched through 
Thermopylae, and entered Phocis, which surrendered uncondition- 
ally at his approach. He then occupied Delphi, where he assembled 
the Amphictyons to pronounce sentence upon those who had been 
concerned in the sacrilege committed there. The council decreed 
that all the cities of Phocis, except Abse, should be destroyed, and 
their inhabitants scattered into villages containing not more than 
fifty houses each. Sparta was deprived of her share in the Amphic- 
tyonic privileges ; the two votes in the council possessed by the 
Phocians were transferred to the kings of Macedonia ; and Philip 
was to share with the Thebans and Thessalians the honour of pre- 
siding at the Pythian games (b.c. 346). 

The result of the Sacred War rendered Macedon the leading state 
in Greece. Philip at once acquried by it military glory, a reputation 
for piety, and an accession of power. His ambitious designs were 
now too plain to be mistaken. The eyes of the blindest among the 
Athenians were at last opened ; the promoters of the peace which 
had been concluded with Philip incurred the hatred and suspicion 
of the people ; whilst on the other hand Demosthenes rose higher 
than ever in public favour. 

Philip was now busy with preparations for the vast projects which 
he contemplated, and which embraced an attack upon the Athenian 
colonies, as well as upon the Persian empire. For this purpose he 
had organized a considerable naval force as well as an army ; and 
in the spring of 342 B.C. he set out on an expedition against Thrace. 
His progress soon appeared to menace the Chersonese and the 
Athenian possessions in that quarter ; and at length the Athenian 
troops under Diopithes came into actual collision with the Mace- 
donians. In the following year Philip began to attack the Greek 
cities north of the Hellespont. He first besieged and captured 



B.C. 338. 



BATTLE OF CH^RONEA. 



181 



Selymbria on the Propontis, and then turned his arms against 
Perinthus and Byzantium. This roused the Athenians to more 
vigorous action. War was formally declared against Philip, and a 
fleet equipped for the immediate relief of Byzantium. Philip was 
forced to raise the siege not only of that town, but of Perinthus 
also, and finally to evacuate the Chersonesus altogether. For these 
acceptable services the grateful Byzantians erected a colossal statue 
in honour of Athens. 

After this check Philip undertook an expedition against the 
Thracians ; but meantime his partisans procured for him an oppor- 
tunity of marching again into the very heart of Greece. 

Amphissa, a Locrian town, having been declared by the Amphic- 
tyonic council guilty of sacrilege, Philip was appointed by the 
council as their general to inflict punishment on the inhabitants of 
the guilty town. Accordingly he marched southwards early in 
B.C. 338 ; but instead of proceeding in the direction of Amphissa, he 
suddenly seized Elatea, the chief town in the eastern part of Phocis, 
thus showing clearly enough that his real design was against 
Bceotia and Attica. Intelligence of this event reached Athens at 
night, and caused extraordinary alarm. In the following morning 
Demosthenes pressed upon the assembly the necessity for making 
the most vigorous preparations for defence, and especially recom- 
mended them to send an embassy to Thebes, in order to persuade 
the Thebans to unite with them against the common enemy. 

The details of the war that followed are exceedingly obscure. 
Philip appears to have again opened negotiations with the Thebans, 
which failed ; and we then find the combined Theban and Athenian 
armies marching out to meet the Macedonians. The decisive battle 
was fought on the 7th of August, in the plain of Chseronea in 
Boeotia, near the frontier of Phocis (B.C. 338). In the Macedonian 
army was Philip's son, the youthful Alexander, who was intrusted 
with the command of one of the wings ; and it was a charge made 
by him on the Theban sacred band that decided the fortune of the 
day. The sacred band was cut to pieces, without flinching from 
the ground which it occupied, and the remainder of the combined 
army was completely routed. Demosthenes, who was serving as a 
foot-soldier in the Athenian ranks, has been absurdly reproached 
with cowardice because he participated in the general flight. 

The battle of Chseronea crushed the liberties of Greece, and 
made it in reality a province of the Macedonian monarchy. To 
Athens herself the blow was almost as fatal as that of iEgospotami. 
But the manner in which Philip used his victory excited universal 
surprise. He dismissed the Athenian prisoners without ransom, 
and voluntarily offered a peace on terms more advantageous than 



182 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XIX. 



the Athenians themselves would have ventured to propose. Philip, 
indeed, seems to have regarded Athens with a sort of love and 
respect, as the centre of art and refinement, for his treatment of the 
Thehans was very different, and marked by great harshness and 
severity. They were compelled to recall their exiles, in whose 
hands the government was placed, whilst a Macedonian garrison 
was established in the Cadmea. 

A congress of the Grecian states was now summoned at Corinth, 
in which war was declared against Persia, and Philip was appointed 
generalissimo of the expedition. 

In the spring of b.c. 336 Philip sent some forces into Asia, under 
the command of Attalus, Parmenio, and Amyntas, which were 
designed to engage the Greek cities of Asia in the expedition. But 
before quitting Macedonia, Philip determined to provide for the 
safety of his dominions by celebrating the marriage of his daughter 
with Alexander of Epirus. It was solemnized at iEgse, the ancient 
capital of Macedonia, with much pomp, including banquets, and 
musical and theatrical entertainments. The day after the nuptials 
was dedicated to theatrical entertainments. The festival was 
opened with a procession of the images of the twelve Olympian 
deities, with which was associated that of Philip himself. The 
monarch took part in the procession, dressed in white robes, and 
crowned with a chaplet. Whilst thus proceeding through the city, 
a youth suddenly rushed out of the crowd, and, drawing a long 
sword which he had concealed under his clothes, plunged it into 
Philip's side, who fell dead upon the spot. The assassin was pur- 
sued by some of the royal guards, and, having stumbled in his flight, 
was despatched before he could reach the place where horses had 
been provided for his escape. His name was Pausauias. He was a 
youth of noble birth, and we are told that his motive for taking 
Philip's life was that the king had refused to punish an outrage 
which Attalus had committed against him. 

Thus fell Philip of Macedon in the twenty-fourth year of his 
reign and forty-seventh of his age (b.c. 336). When we reflect 
upon his achievements, and how, partly by policy and partly by 
arms, he converted his originally poor and distracted kingdom into 
the mistress of Greece, we must acknowledge him to have been an 
extraordinary, if not a great man, in the better sense of that term. 
His views and his ambition were certainly a3 large as those of his 
son Alexander, but he was prevented by a premature death from 
carrying them out ; nor would Alexander himself have been able 
to perform his great achievements had not Philip handed down to 
him all the means and instruments which they required. 



Coin of Alexander the Great. 



CHAPTER XX. 

ALEXANDER THE GREAT. B.C. 336-323. 

Alexander, at the time of his father's death, was in his twentieth 
year, having been born in B.C. 356. His early education was en- 
trusted to Leonidas, a kinsman of his mother, a man of severe and 
parsimonious character, who trained him with Spartan simplicity 
and hardihood ; whilst Lysimachus, a sort of under-governor, early 
inspired the young prince with ambitious notions, by teaching him 
to love and emulate the heroes of the Iliad. According to the 
traditions of his family, the blood of Achilles actually ran in the 
veins of Alexander ;* and Lysimachus nourished the feeling which 
that circumstance was calculated to awaken by giving him the 
name of that hero, whilst he called Philip Peleus, and himself 
Phoenix. But the most striking feature in Alexander's education 
was, that he had Aristotle for his teacher, and that thus the greatest 
conqueror of the material world received the instructions of him 
who has exercised the most extensive empire over the human in- 
tellect. It was probably at about the age of thirteen that he first 
received the lessons of Aristotle, and they can hardly have con- 
tinued more than three years, for Alexander soon left the schools 
for the employments of active life. At the age of sixteen we find 
him regent of Macedonia during Philip's absence ; and at eighteen 
we have seen him filling a prominent military post at the battle of 
Chseronea. 

On succeeding to the throne Alexander announced his intention 
of prosecuting his father's expedition into Asia ; but it was first 

* His mother Olympias was the daughter of Neoptolemus, king- of Epirus' 
who claimed descent from Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles. 



18-i 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XX. 



necessary for him to settle the affairs of Greece, where the news of 
Philip's assassination, and the accession of so young a prince, had 
excited in several states a hope of shaking off the Macedonian yoke. 
Athens was the centre of these movements. Demosthenes, although 
in monrning for the recent loss of an only daughter, now came 
abroad dressed in white, and crowned with a chaplet, in which 
attire he was seen sacrificing at one of the public altars. He also 
moved a decree that Philip's death should be celebrated by a public 
thanksgiving, and that religious honours should be paid to the 
memory of Pausanias. At the same time he made vigorous pre- 
parations for action. He despatched envoys to the principal 
Grecian states for the purpose of inciting them against Macedon. 
Sparta, and the whole Peloponnesus, with the exception of Megalo- 
polis and Messenia, seemed inclined to shake off their compulsory 
alliance. Even the Thebans rose against the dominant oligarchy, 
although the Cadraea was in the hands of the Macedonians. 

The activity of Alexander disconcerted all these movements. 
Having marched through Thessaly, he assembled the Amphictyonic 
council at Thermopylae, who conferred upon him the command 
with which they had invested his father during the Sacred War. 
He then advanced rapidly upon Thebes, and thus prevented the 
meditated revolution. The Athenians sent ambassadors to depre- 
cate his wrath, who were graciously accepted. He then convened 
a general congress at Corinth, where he was appointed general- 
issimo for the Persian war in place of his father. Most of the 
philosophers and persons of note near Corinth came to congratulate 
him on this occasion ; but Diogenes of Sinope, who was then living 
in one of the suburbs of Corinth, did not make hi3 appearance. 
Alexander therefore resolved to pay a visit to the eccentric cynic, 
whom he found basking in the sun. On the approach of Alexander 
with a numerous retinue, Diogenes raised himself up a little, and 
the monarch affably inquired how he could serve him? "By 
standing out of my sunshine," replied the churlish philosopher. 
Alexander was struck with surprise at a behaviour to which he was 
so little accustomed ; but whilst his courtiers were ridiculing the 
manners of the cynic, he turned to them and said, " Were I not 
Alexander, I should like to be Diogenes." 

The result of the Congress might be considered a settlement of 
the affairs of Greece. Alexander then returned to Macedonia in 
the hope of being able to begin his Persian expedition in the spring 
of B.C. 335 ; but reports of disturbances among the Thracians and 
Triballians diverted his attention to that quarter. He therefore 
crossed Mount Haemus the Balkan) and marched into the territory 
of the Triballians, defeated their forces, and pursued them to the 



B.C. 335. 



CAPTURE OF THEBES. 



185 



Danube, which he crossed. After acquiring a large booty he 
regained the banks of the Danube, and thence marched against 
the Illyrians and Taulantians, whom he speedily reduced to 
obedience. 

During Alexander's absence on these expeditions no tidings were 
heard of him for a considerable time, and a report of his death was 
imdustriously spread in Southern Greece. The Thebans rose and 
besieged the Macedonian garrison in the Cadmea, at the same time 
inviting other states to declare their independence. Demosthenes 
was active in aiding the movement. He persuaded the Athenians 
to furnish the Thebans with subsidies, and to assure them of their 
support and alliance. But the rapidity of Alexander again crushed 
the insurrection in the bud. Before the Thebans discovered that 
the report of his death was false he had already arrived at On- 
chestus in Bceotia. Alexander was willing to afford them an oppor- 
tunity for repentance, and marched slowly to the foot of the Cad- 
mea. But the leaders of the insurrection, believing themselves 
irretrievably compromised, replied with taunts to Alexander's 
proposals for peace, and excited the people to the most desperate 
resistance. An engagement was prematurely brought on by one of 
the generals of Alexander, in which some of the Macedonian troops 
were put to the rout ; but Alexander, coming up with the phalanx, 
whilst the Thebans were in the disorder of pursuit, drove them back 
in turn and entered the gates along with them, when a fearful 
massacre ensued, committed principally by the Thracians in 
Alexander's service. Six thousand Thebans are said to have been 
slain, and thirty thousand were made prisoners. The doom of the 
conquered city was referred to the allies, who decreed her destruc- 
tion. The grounds of the verdict bear the impress of a tyrannical 
hypocrisy. They rested on the conduct of the Thebans during the 
Persian war, on their treatment of Platsea, and on their enmity to 
Athens. The inhabitants were sold as slaves, and all the houses, 
except that of Pindar, were levelled with the ground. The Cadmea 
was preserved to be occupied by a Macedonian garrison, Thebes 
seems to have been thus harshly treated as an example to the rest 
of Greece, for towards the other states, which were now eager to 
make their excuses and submission, Alexander showed much for- 
bearance and lenity. The conduct of the Athenians exhibits them 
deeply sunk in degradation. When they heard of the chastisement 
inflicted upon Thebes, they immediately voted, on the motion of 
Demosthenes, that ambassadors should be sent to congratulate 
Alexander on his safe return from his northern expeditions, and on 
his recent success. Alexander in reply wrote a letter, demanding 
that eight or ten of the leading Athenian orators should be de- 



186 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XX. 



livered up to him. At the head of the list was Demosthenes. In 
this dilemma, Phocion, who did not wish to speak upon such a 
question, was loudly called upon by the people for his opinion ; 
when he rose and said that the persons whom Alexander demanded 
had brought the state into such a miserable plight that they de- 
served to be surrendered, and that for his own part he should be 
very happy to die for the commonwealth. At the same time he 
advised them to try the effect of intercession with Alexander ; and 
it was at last only by his own personal application to that monarch, 
with whom he was a great favourite, that the orators were spared. 
According to another account, however, the wrath of Alexander 
was appeased by the orator Demades, who received from the 
Athenians a reward of five talents for his services. It was at this 
time that Alexander is said to have sent a present of 100 talents to 
Phocion. But Phocion asked the persons who brought the money 
— " Why he should be selected for such a bounty?" " Because," 
they replied, " Alexander considers you the only just and honest 
man." " Then," said Phocion, " let him suffer me to be what I 
seem, and to retain that character." And when the envoys went 
to his house and beheld the frugality with which he lived, they 
perceived that the man who refused such a gift was wealthier than 
he who offered it. 

Having thus put the affairs of Greece on a satisfactory footing, 
Alexander marched for the Hellespont in the spring of B.C. 334, 
leaving Antipater regent of Macedonia in his absence, with a force 
of 12,000 foot and 1500 horse. Alexander's own army consisted 
of only about 30,000 foot and 5000 horse. Of the infantry about 
12.000 were Macedonians, and these composed the pith of the cele- 
brated Macedonian phalanx. Such was the force with which he 
proposed to attack the immense but ill-cemented empire of Persia, 
which, like the empires of Turkey or Austria in modern times, con- 
sisted of various nations and races with different religions and man- 
ners, and speaking different languages; the only bond of union 
being the dominant military power of the ruling nation, which itself 
formed only a small numerical portion of the empire. The remote 
provinces, like those of Asia Minor, were administered by satraps 
and military governors who enjoyed an almost independent au- 
thority. Before Alexander departed he distributed most of the 
crown property among his Mends, and when Perdiccas asked him 
what he had reserved for himself he replied, " My hopes." 

A march of sixteen days brought Alexander to Sestos, where 
a large fleet and a number of transports had been collected for 
the embarkation of his army. He steered with his own hand 
the vessel in which he sailed towards the very spot where the 



B.C. 334. 



BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS. 



187 



Achseans were said to have landed when proceeding to the Trojan 
war. He was, as we have said, a great admirer of Homer, a copy 
of whose works he always carried with him ; and on landing on the 
Asiatic coast he made it his first business to visit the plain of Troy. 
He then proceeded to Sigeum, where he crowned with a garland 
the pillar said to mark the tumulus of his mythical ancestor 
Achilles, and, according to custom, ran round it naked with his 
friends. 

Alexander then marched northwards along the coast of the 
Propontis. The satraps of Lydia and Ionia, together with other 
Persian generals, were encamped on the river Granicus, with a 
force of 20,000 Greek mercenaries, and about an equal number of 
native cavalry, with which they prepared to dispute the passage 
of the river. A Ehodian, named Memnon, had the chief command. 
The veteran general Parmenio advised Alexander to delay the 
attack till the following morning; to which he replied, that it 
would be a bad omen at the beginning of his expedition, if, after 
passing the Hellespont, he should be stopped by a paltry stream. 
Thereupon he directed his cavalry to cross the river, and followed 
himself at the head of the phalanx. The passage, however, was by 
no means easy. The stream was in many parts so deep as to be 
hardly fordable, and the opposite bank was steep and rugged. 
The cavalry had great difficulty in maintaining their ground till 
Alexander came up to their relief. He immediately charged into 
the thickest of the fray, and exposed himself so much that his life 
was often in imminent danger, and on one occasion was saved only 
by the interposition of his friend Olitus. Having routed the Per- 
sians, he next attacked the Greek mercenaries, 2000 of whom were 
made prisoners, and the rest nearly all cut to pieces. In this 
engagement he killed two Persian officers with his own hand. 

Alexander now marched southwards towards Sardis, which sur- 
rendered before he came within sight of its walls. Having left a 
garrison in that city, he arrived after a four days' march before 
Ephesus, which likewise capitulated on his approach. Magnesia, 
Tralles, and Miletus next fell into his hands, the last after a short 
siege. Halicarnassus made more resistance. It was obliged to be 
regularly approached ; but at length Memnon, finding it no longer 
tenable, set fire to it in the night, and crossed over to Cos. 
Alexander caused it to be razed to the ground, and pursued his 
march along the southern coast of Asia Minor, with the view of 
seizing those towns which might afford shelter to a Persian fleet. 
The winter was now approaching, and Alexander sent a consider- 
able part of his army under Parmenio into winter-quarters at Sardis. 
He also sent back to Macedonia such officers and soldiers as had 



188 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XX 



been recently married, on condition thai they should return in the 
spring with what reinforcements they could raise ; and with the 
same view he despatched an officer to recruit in the Peloponnesus. 
Meanwhile he himself with a chosen body proceeded along the 
coasts of Lycia and Pamphylia, having instructed Parmenio to 
rejoin him in Phrygia in the spring, with the main body. After he 
had crossed the Xanthus most of the Lycian towns tendered their 
submission. On the borders of Lycia and Pamphylia, Mount Climax, 
a branch of the Taurus range, runs abruptly into the sea, leaving 
only a narrow passage at its foot, which is frequently overflowed. 
This was the case at the time of Alexander's approach. He there- 
fore sent his main body by a long and difficult road across the 
mountains to Peige ; but he himself, who loved danger for its .own 
sake, proceeded with a chosen band along the shore, wading 
through water that was breast-high for nearly a whole day. Then 
forcing his way northwards through the barbarous tribes which 
inhabited the mountains of Pisidia, he encamped in the neighbour- 
hood of Gordium in Phrygia. Here he was rejoined by Parmenio 
and by the new levies from Greece. Gordium had been the capital 
of the early Phrygian kings, and in it was preserved with super- 
stitious veneration the chariot or waggon in which the celebrated 
Midas, the son of Gordius, together with his parents, had entered 
the town, and in conformity with an oracle had been elevated to 
the monarchy. An ancient prophecy promised the sovereignty ot 
Asia to him who should untie the knot of bark which fastened the 
yoke of the waggon to the pole. Alexander repaired to the Acro- 
polis, where the waggon was preserved, to attempt this adventure. 
Whether he undid the knot by drawing out a peg, or cut it through 
with his sword, is a matter of doubt ; but that he had fulfilled the 
prediction was placed beyond dispute that veiy night by a great 
storm of thunder and hghtning. 

In the spring of 333 Alexander pursued his march eastwards, 
and on arriving at Ancyra received the submission of the Paphla- 
gonians. He then advanced through Cappadocia without resist- 
ance : and forcing his way through the passes of Mount Taurus 
(the PylsB GUicise , he descended into the plains of Cilicia. Hence 
he pushed on rapidly to Tarsus, which he found abandoned by the 
enemy. Whilst still heated with the march Alexander plunged 
into the clear but cold stream of the Cydnus. which runs by the 
town. The result was a fever, which soon became so violent as 
to threaten his life. An Acarnanian physician, named Philip, who 
accompanied him, prescribed a remedy; but at the same time 
Alexander received a letter informing him that Philip had been 
bribed by Darius, the Persian king, to poison him. He had, how- 



B.C. 333. 



BATTLE OF ISSUS. 



189 



ever, too much confidence in the trusty Philip to believe the accu- 
sation, and handed him the letter whilst he drank the draught. 
Either the medicine, or Alexander's youthful constitution, at length 
triumphed over the disorder. After remaining some time at Tarsus, 
he continued his march along the coast to Mallus, where he first 
received certain tidings of the great Persian army, commanded by 
Darius in person. It is said to have consisted of 600,000 fighting 
men, besides all that train of attendants which usually accompanied 
the march of a Persian monarch. Alexander found Darius en- 
camped near Issus on the right bank of the little river Pinarus. 
The Persian king could hardly have been caught in a more 
unfavourable position, since the narrow and rugged plain between 
Mount Amanus and the sea afforded no scope for the evolutions 
of large bodies, and thus entirely deprived him of the advantage 
of his numerical superiority. Alexander occupied the pass be- 
tween Syria and Cilicia at midnight, and at daybreak began to 
descend into the plain of the Pinarus, ordering his troops to deploy 
into line as the ground expanded, and thus to arrive in battle-array 
before the Persians. Darius had thrown 30,000 cavalry and 20,000 
infantry across the river, to check the advance of the Macedonians ; 
whilst on the right bank were drawn up his choicest Persian troops 
to the number of 60,000, together with 30,000 Greek mercenaries, 
who formed the centre, and on whom he chiefly relied. These, it 
appears, were all that the breadth of the plain allowed to be drawn 
up in line. The remainder of the vast host were posted in separate 
bodies in the farther parts of the plain, and were unable to take 
any share in the combat. Darius placed himself in the centre of 
the line in a magnificent state chariot. The banks of the Pinarus 
were in many parts steep, and where they were level Darius had 
caused them to be intrenched. As Alexander advanced, the Per- 
sian cavalry which had been thrown across the river were recalled ; 
but the 20,000 infantry had been driven into the mountains, where 
Alexander held them in check with a small body of horse. The 
left wing of the Macedonians, under the command of Parmenio, 
was ordered to keep near the sea to prevent being outflanked. 
The right wing was led by Alexander in person, who rushed im- 
petuously into the water, and was soon engaged in close combat 
with the Persians. The latter were immediately routed ; but what 
chiefly decided the fortune of the day was the timidity of Darius 
himself, who, on beholding the defeat of his left wing, immediately 
took to flight. His example was followed by his whole army. 
One hundred thousand Persians are said to have been left upon the 
field. On reaching the hills Darius threw aside his royal robes, 
his bow and shield, and, mounting a fleet courser, was soon out 



190 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XX. 



of reach, of pursuit. The Persian camp became the spoil of the 
Macedonians; but the tent of Darius, together with his chariot, 
robes, and arms, was reserved for Alexander himself. It was now 
that the Macedonian king first had ocular proof of the nature of 
Eastern royalty. One compartment of the tent of Darius had been 
fitted up as a bath, which steamed with the richest odours ; whilst 
another presented a magnificent pavilion, containing a table richly 
spread for the banquet of Darius. But from an adjoining tent 
issued the wail of female voices, where Sisygambis the mother, 
and Statira the wife of Darius, were lamenting the supposed death 
of the Persian monarch. Alexander sent to assure them of his 
safety, and ordered them to be treated with the most delicate and 
respectful attention. 

Such was the memorable battle of Issus, fought in November, 
B.c. 333. A large treasure which Parmenio was sent forward with 
a detachment to seize, fell into the hands of the Macedonians at 
Damascus. Another favourable result of the victory was that it 
suppressed some attempts at revolt from the Macedonian power, 
which, with the support of Persia, had been manifested in Greece. 
But, in order to put a complete stop to all such intrigues; which 
chiefly depended on the assistance of a Persian fleet, Alexander 
resolved to seize Phoenicia and Egypt, and thus to strike at the 
root of the Persian maritime power. 

Meanwhile, Darius, attended by a body of only 4000 fugitives, 
had crossed the Euphrates at Thapsacus. Before he had set out 
from Babylon the whole forces of the empire had been summoned ; 
but he had not thought it worth while to wait for what he deemed 
a merely useless encumbrance ; and the more distant levies, which 
comprised some of the best troops of the empire, were still hasten- 
ing towards Babylon. In a short time, therefore, he would be at 
the head of a still more numerous host than that which had fought 
at Issus ; yet he thought it safer to open negotiations with Alex- 
ander than to trust to the chance of arms. With this view he sent 
a letter to Alexander, who was now at Mara thus in Phoenicia, pro- 
posing to become his friend and ally; but Alexander rejected al 
his overtures, and told him that he must in future be addressed 
not in the language of an equal, but of a subject. 

As Alexander advanced southwards, all the towns of Phoenicia 
hastened to open their gates ; the inhabitants of Sidon even hailed 
him as their deliverer. Tyre, also, sent to tender her submission ; 
but coupled with reservations by no means acceptable to a youth- 
ful conqueror in the full tide of success. Alexander affected to 
receive their offer as an unconditional surrender, and told them 
that he would visit their city and offer sacrifices to Melcart, a 



B.C. 332. 



SIEGE OF TYRE. 



191 



Tyrian deity, who was considered as identical with the Grecian 
Hercules. This brought the matter to an issue. The Tyrians now 
informed him that they could not admit any foreigners within 
their walls, and that, if he wished to sacrifice to Melcart, he 
would find another and more ancient shrine in Old Tyre, on the 
mainland. Alexander indignantly dismissed the Tyrian ambas- 
sadors, and announced his intention of laying siege to their 
city. The Tyrians probably deemed it impregnable. It was by 
nature a place of great strength, and had been rendered still 
stronger by art. The island on which it stood was half a mile 
distant from the mainland; and though the channel was shallow 
near the coast, it deepened to three fathoms near the island. The 
shores of the island were rocky and precipitous, and the walls rose 
from the cliffs to the height of 150 feet in solid masonry. As 
Alexander possessed no ships, the only method by which he could 
approach the town was by constructing a causeway, the materials 
for which were collected from the forests of Libanus and the ruins 
of Old Tyre. After overcoming many difficulties the mole was at 
length pushed to the foot of the walls ; and as soon as Alexander 
had effected a practicable breach, he ordered a general assault 
both by land and sea. The breach was stormed under the imme- 
diate inspection of Alexander himself; and though the Tyrians 
made a desperate resistance, they were at length overpowered, 
when the city became one wide scene of indiscriminate carnage 
and plunder. The siege had lasted seven months, and the Mace- 
donians were so exasperated by the difficulties and dangers they 
had undergone that they granted no quarter. Eight thousand of 
the citizens are said to have been massacred ; and the remainder, 
with the exception of the king and some of the principal men, who 
had taken refuge in the temple of Melcart, were sold into slavery 
to the number of 30,000. Tyre was taken in the month of July 
in 332. 

Whilst Alexander was engaged in the siege of Tyre, Darius made 
him further and more advantageous proposals. He now offered 
10,000 talents as the ransom of his family, together with all the 
provinces west of the Euphrates, and his daughter JBarsine in marri- 
age, as the conditions of a peace. When these offers were submitted 
to the council, Parmenio was not unnaturally struck with their 
magnificence, and observed, that were he Alexander he would 
accept them. "And so would I," replied the king, "were I Par- 
menio." Darius, therefore, prepared himself for a desperate resist- 
ance. 

After the fall of Tyre, Alexander marched with his army towards 
Egypt, whilst his fleet proceeded along the coast. Gaza, a strong 



192 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XX. 



fortress on the sea-shore, obstinately held out, and delayed his pro- 
gress three or four months. After the capture of this city Alex- 
ander met his fleet at Pelusium, and ordered it to sail up the Xile 
as far as Memphis, whither he himself marched with his army 
across the desert. He conciliated the affection of the Egyptians 
by the respect with which he treated their national superstitions, 
whilst the Persians by an opposite line of conduct had incurred 
their deadliest hatred. He then sailed down the western branch of 
the Nile, and at its mouth traced the plan of the new city of 
Alexandria, which for many centuries continued to be not only the 
grand emporium of Europe, Africa, and India, but also the principal 
centre of intellectual life. Being now on the confines of Libya, 
Alexander resolved to visit the celebrated oracle of Zeus Jupiter) 
Amnion, which lay in the bosom of the Libyan wilderness. The 
conqueror was received by the priests with all the honours of sacred 
pomp. He consulted the oracle in secret, and is said never to have 
disclosed the answer which he received ; though that it was an 
answer that contented him appeared from the magnificence of the 
offerings which he made to the god. Some say that Amnion saluted 
him as the son of Zeus. 

Alexander returned to Phoenicia in the spring of 331. He then 
directed his march through Samaria, and arrived at Thapsacus on 
the Euphrates about the end of August. After crossing the 
river he struck to the north-east through a fertile and well-supplied 
country. On his march he was told that Darius was posted with 
an immense force on the left bank of the Tigris ; but on arriving 
at that river he found nobody to dispute his passage. He then 
proceeded southwards along its banks, and after four days' march 
fell in with a few squadrons of the enemy's cavalry. From some of 
these who were made prisoners Alexander learned that Darius was 
encamped with his host on one of the extensive plains between the 
Tigris and the mountains of Kurdistan, near a village called Gau- 
garaela (the Camel's House). The town of Arbela, after which the 
battle that ensued is commonly named, lay at about twenty miles 
distance, and there Darius had deposited his baggage and treasure. 
That monarch had been easily persuaded that his former defeat 
was owing solely to the nature of the ground ; and, therefore, he 
now selected a wide plain for an engagement, where there was 
abundant room for Ms multitudinous infantry, and for the evolutions 
of his horsemen and charioteers. Alexander, after giving his army 
a few days' rest, set out to meet the enemy soon after midnight, in 
order that he might come up with them about daybreak. On 
ascending some sand-hills the whole array of the Persians suddenly 
burst upon the view of the Macedonians, at the distance of three or 



B.C. 331. 



BATTLE OF ARBELA. 



193 



four miles. Darius, as usual, occupied the centre, surrounded by 
his body-guard and chosen troops. In front of the royal position 
were ranged the war-chariots and elephants, and on either side the 
Greek mercenaries, to the number, it is said, of 50,000. Alexander 
spent the first day in surveying the ground and preparing for the 
attack ; he also addressed his troops, pointing out to them that the 
prize of victory would not be a mere province, but the dominion of 
all Asia. Yet so great was the tranquillity with which he contem- 
plated the result, that at daybreak on the following morning, when 
the officers came to receive his final instructions, they found him in 
a deep slumber. His army, which consisted only of 40,000 foot and 
7000 horse, was drawn up in the order which he usually observed, 
namely, with the phalanx in the centre in six divisions, and the 
Macedonian cavalry on the right, where Alexander himself took 
his station. The Persians, fearful of being surprised, had stood 
under arms the whole night, so that the morning found them ex- 
hausted and dispirited. Some of them, however, fought with con- 
siderable bravery ; but when Alexander had succeeded in breaking 
their line by an impetuous charge, Darius mounted a fleet horse 
and took to flight, as at Issus, though the fortune of the day was yet 
far from having been decided. At length, however, the rout 
became general. Whilst daylight lasted Alexander pursued the 
flying enemy as far as the banks of the Lycus, or Greater Zab, 
where thousands of the Persians perished in the attempt to pass the 
river. After resting his men a few hours Alexander continued the 
pursuit at midnight in the hope of overtaking Darius at Arbela. 
The Persian monarch, however, had continued his flight without 
stopping ; but the whole of the royal baggage and treasure was 
captured. 

Finding any further pursuit of Darius hopeless, Alexander now 
directed his march towards Babylon. At a little distance from the 
city the greater part of the population came out to meet him, 
headed by their priests and magistrates, tendering their submission, 
and bearing with them magnificent presents. Alexander then 
made his triumphant entry into Babylon, riding in a chariot at the 
head of his army. The streets were strewed with flowers, incense 
smoked on either hand on silver altars, and the priests celebrated 
his entry with hymns. Nor was this the mere display of a com- 
pulsory obedience. Under the Persian sway the Chaldsean religion 
had been oppressed and persecuted ; the temple of Belus had been 
destroyed and still lay in ruins ; and both priests and people conse- 
quently rejoiced at the downfall of a dynasty from which they had 
suffered so much wrong. Alexander observed here the same politic 
conduct which he had adopted in Egypt. He caused the ruined 

o 



194 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XX. 



temples to be restored, and proposed to offer personally, but under 
the direction of the priests, a sacrifice to Belus. Alexander contem- 
plated making Babylon the capital of. his future empire. His army 
was rewarded with a large donative from the Persian treasury ; and 
after being allowed to indulge for some time in the luxury of 
Babylon, was again put in motion, towards the middle of November, 
for Susa. It was there that the Persian treasures were chiefly accu- 
mulated, and Alexander had despatched one of his generals to take 
possession of the city immediately after the battle of Arbela. It was 
surrendered without a blow by the satrap Abulites. The treasure 
found there amounted to 40,000 talents in gold and silver bullion, 
and 9000 in gold Darics. But among all these riches the interest of 
the Greeks must have been excited in a lively manner by the dis- 
covery of the spoils carried off from Greece by Xerxes. Among 
them were the bronze statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, which 
Alexander now sent back to Athens, and which were long after- 
wards preserved in the Oeramicus. 

At Susa Alexander received reinforcements of about 15,000 men 
from Greece. He then directed his march south-eastwards towards 
Persepolis. His road lay through the mountainous territory of the 
Uxians, who refused him a passage unless he paid the usual tribute 
which they were in the habit of extorting even from the Persian 
kings. But Alexander routed them with great slaughter. He then 
advanced rapidly to Persepolis, whose magnificent ruins still attest 
its ancient splendour. It was the real capital of the Persian kings, 
though they generally resided at Susa during the winter, and at 
Ecbatana in summer. The treasure found there exceeded that 
both of Babylon and Susa, and is said to have amounted to 120,000 
talents, or nearly 30,000,000?. sterling. It was here that Alexander 
is related to have committed an act of senseless folly, by firing with 
his own hand the ancient and magnificent palace of the Persian 
kings ; of which the most charitable version is that he committed 
the act when heated with wine at the instigation of Thais, an 
Athenian courtezan. By some writers, however, the story is alto- 
gether disbelieved, and the real destruction of Persepolis referred 
to the Mahommedan epoch. Whilst at Persepolis, Alexander 
visited the tomb of Cyrus, the founder of the Persian monarchy, 
which was situated at a little distance, at a city called Pasargadge. 

Thus in between three and four years after crossing the Helles- 
pont Alexander had established himself on the Persian throne. 
But Darius was not yet in his power. After the battle of Arbela 
that monarch had fled to Ecbatana. It was not till about four 
months after the battle of Arbela, and consequently early in 330, 
that Alexander quitted Persepolis to resume the pursuit of Darius. 



B.C. 330. 



DEATH OF DARIUS. 



195 



On approaching Ecbatana he learned that the Persian monarch 
had already tied with the little army which still adhered to him. 
Alexander, with his main body, then pursued Darius through Media 
by forced marches, and reached Rhagse, a distance of three hundred 
miles from Ecbatana, in eleven days. Such was the rapidity of 
the march that many men and horses died of fatigue. At Bhagse 
he heard that Darius had already passed the defile called the 
" Caspian Gates," leading into the Bactrian provinces ; and, as that 
pass was fifty miles distant, urgent pursuit was evidently useless. 
He therefore allowed his troops five days' rest, and then resumed 
his march. Soon after passing the Gates he learned that Darius 
had been seized and loaded with chains by his own satrap Bessus, 
who entertained the design of establishing himself in Bactria as an 
independent sovereign. This intelligence stimulated Alexander to 
make still further haste with part of his cavalry and a chosen body 
of foot. On the fourth day he succeeded in overtaking the fugitives 
with his cavalry, having been obliged to leave the infantry behind, 
with directions to follow more at leisure. The enemy, who did 
not know his real strength, were struck with consternation at his 
appearance, and fled precipitately. Bessus and his adherents now 
endeavoured to persuade Darius to fly with them, and provided a 
fleet horse for that purpose. But the Persian monarch, who had 
already experienced the generosity of Alexander in the treatment 
of his captive family, preferred to fall into his hands, whereupon 
the conspirators mortally wounded him in the chariot in which they 
kept him confined, and then took to flight. Darius expired before 
Alexander could come up, who threw his own cloak over the body. 
He then ordered him to be magnificently buried in the tomb of his 
ancestors, and provided for the fitting education of his children. 

The next three years were employed by Alexander in subduing 
Hyrcania, Drangiana, Bactria, and Sogdiana, and the other north- 
ern provinces of the Persian empire. In these distant regions he 
founded several cities, one of which in Aria, called after him 
(Alexandria Ariorum), is still, under the name of Herat, one of the 
chief cities in central Asia. Alexander's stay in Prophthasia, the 
capital of Drangiana, was signalized by a supposed conspiracy 
against his life, formed by Philotas, the son of Parmenio. Alex- 
ander had long entertained suspicions of Philotas. But the im- 
mediate subject of accusation against him was that he had not 
revealed a conspiracy which was reported to be forming against 
Alexander's life, and which he had deemed too contemptible to 
notice. He was consequently suspected of being implicated in it ; 
and on being put to the torture he not only confessed his own 
guilt in his agonies, but also implicated his father. Philotas was 

o 2 



196 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap XX. 



executed, and an order was sent to Ecbatana, where Paraienio then 
was, directing that veteran general to be put to death. A letter, 
purporting to be from his son, was handed to him ; and whilst the 
old man was engaged in reading it, Polydamus, his intimate friend, 
together with some others of Alexander's principal officers, fell 
upon and slew him. His head was carried to Alexander. 

Meantime Bessus had assumed the royal dignity in Bactria : but 
upon Alexander s approach he lied across the Oxus into Sogdiana, 
Early in the summer of 329 Alexander followed him across the 
Oxus ; and shortly afterwards Bessus was betrayed by two of his 
own officers into the hands of Alexander. Bessus was carried to 
Zariaspa, the capital of Bactria, where he was brought before a 
Persian court, and put to death in a cruel and barbarous manner. 

Alexander even crossed the river Jaxartes (Sir]\ and defeated 
the Scythians. Sogdiana alone of the northern provinces offered 
any serious resistance to his arms. Accordingly in 328 he again 
crossed the Oxus. He divided his army into five bodies, ordering 
them to scour the country in difrerent directions. With the troops 
under his own command he marched against the fortress called the 
Sogdian Bock, seated on an isolated hill, so precipitous as to be 
deemed inaccessible, and so well supplied with provisions as to 
defy a blockade. The summons to surrender was treated with 
derision by the commander, who inquired whether the Mace- 
donians had wings? But a small body of Macedonians having 
succeeded in scaling some heights which overhung the fortress, 
the garrison became so alarmed that they immediately surrendered. 
To this place a Bactrian named Oxyartes, an adherent of Bessus, 
had sent his daughters for safety. One of them, named Boxana, was 
of surpassing beauty, and Alexander made her the partner of his 
throne (b.c 328). 

At Maracanda (now Samarcand) he appointed his friend Clitus 
satrap of Bactria. On the eve of the parting of the two friends 
Alexander celebrated a festival in honour of the Dioscuri (Castor 
and Pollux), though the day was sacred to Dionysus Bacchus). 
The banquet was attended by several parasites and literary 
flatterers, who magnified the praises of Alexander with extravagant 
and nauseous flattery. Clitus, whom wine had released from all 
prudent reserve, sternly rebuked their fulsome adulation ; and, as 
the conversation turned on the comparative merits of the exploits 
of Alexander and his father Philip, he did not hesitate to prefer the 
exploits of the latter. He reminded Alexander of his former ser- 
vices, and, stretching forth his hand, exclaimed, " It was this hand, 
Alexander, which saved your life at the battle of the Granicus ! ' 
The king, who was also flushed with wine, was so enraged by these 



B.C. 327. 



INVASION OF INDIA. 



197 



remarks, that lie rushed at Clitus with the intention of killing him 
on the spot, but he was held back by his friends, whilst Glitus was 
at the same time hurried out of the room. Alexander, however, 
was no sooner released than, snatching a spear, he sprang to the 
door, and meeting Clitus, who was returning in equal fury to brave 
his anger, ran him through the body. But when the deed was 
done he was seized with repentance and remorse. He flung him- 
self on his couch and remained for three whole days in an agony of 
grief, refusing all sustenance, and calling on the names of Clitus 
and of his sister Lanice, who had been his nurse. It was not till 
his bodily strength began to fail through protracted abstinence that 
he at last became more composed, and consented to listen to the 
consolations of his friends, and the words of the soothsayers, who 
ascribed the murder of Clitus to a temporary frenzy with which 
Dionysus had visited him as a punishment for neglecting the cele- 
bration of his festival. 

After reducing Sogdiana, Alexander returned into Bactria in 
327, and began to prepare for his projected expedition into India, 
Whilst he was thus employed, a plot was formed against his life 
by the royal pages, incited by Hermolaus, one of their number, 
who had been punished with stripes for anticipating the king 
during a hunting party in slaying a wild boar. Hermolaus and his 
associates, among whom was Callisthenes, a pupil of Aristotle, were 
first tortured, and then put to death. It seems certain that a con- 
spiracy existed; but no less certain that the growing pride and 
haughtiness of Alexander were gradually alienating from him the 
hearts of his followers. 

Alexander did not leave Bactria till late in the spring. He 
crossed the Indus by a bridge of boats near Taxila, the present 
Attock, where the river is about 1000 feet broad, and very deep. 
He now found himself in the district at present called the Penj-db 
(or the Five Rivers). Taxiles, the sovereign of the district, at once 
surrendered Taxila, his capital, and joined the Macedonian force 
with 5000 men. Hence Alexander proceeded with little resistance 
to the river Hydaspes (Beliut or Jelum). On the opposite bank, 
Porus, a powerful Indian king, prepared to dispute his progress 
with a numerous and well-appointed force. Alexander, however, 
by a skilful stratagem conveyed his army safely across the river. 
An obstinate battle then ensued. In the army of Porus were many 
elephants, the sight and smell of which frightened the horses of 
Alexander's cavalry. But these unwieldy animals ultimately proved 
as dangerous to the Indians as to the Greeks ; for when driven 
into a narrow space they became unmanageable, and created great, 
confusion in the ranks of Porus. By a few vigorous charges the 



198 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XX. 



Indians were completely routed, with the loss of 12,000 slain and 
9000 prisoners. Among the latter was Porus himself, who was con- 
ducted into the presence of Alexander. The courage which he 
had displayed in the battle had excited the admiration of the 
Macedonian king. Mounted on an enormous elephant, he retreated 
leisurely when the day was lost, and long rejected every summons 
to surrender ; till at length, overcome by thirst and fatigue, he per- 
mitted himself to be taken. Even in this situation Porus still 
retained his majestic bearing, the effect of which was increased by 
the extraordinary height of his stature. On Alexander's inquiring 
how he wished to be treated, he replied, " Like a king." " And 
have you no other request?'' asked Alexander. " No," answered 
Porus ; " everything is comprehended in the word king." Struck by 
his magnanimity, Alexander not only restored him to his dominions, 
but also considerably enlarged them ; seeking by these means to 
retain him as an obedient and faithful vassal. 

Alexander rested a month on the banks of the Hydaspes, where 
he celebrated his victory by games and sacrifices, and founded two 
towns, one of which he named Nicsea, and the other Bucephala, in 
honour of his gallant charger Bucephalus, which is said to have 
died there. He then overran the whole of the Penj-ab, as far as 
the Hyphasis (Gharra), its southern boundary. Upon reaching this 
river, the army, worn out by fatigues and dangers, positively re- 
fused to proceed any farther ; although Alexander passionately 
desired to attack a monarch still more powerful than Porus, whose 
dominions lay beyond the Hyphasis. All his attempts to induce 
his soldiers to proceed proving ineffectual, he returned to the Hy- 
daspes, when he ordered part of his army to descend the river on 
its opposite banks ; whilst he himself, at the head of 8000 men, 
embarked on board a fleet of about 2000 vessels, which he had 
ordered to be prepared with the view of sailing down the Indus to 
its mouth. 

The army began to move in November 327. The navigation 
lasted several months, but was accomplished without any serious 
opposition, except from the tribe of the Malli, who are conjectured 
to have occupied the site of the present Mooltan. At the storming 
of their town the life of Alexander was exposed to imminent danger. 
He was the first to scale the walls of the citadel, and was followed 
by four officers ; but before a fifth man could mount, the ladder 
broke, and Alexander was left exposed on the wall to the missiles 
of the enemy. Leaping down into the citadel among the enemy, 
he placed his back to the wall, where he succeeded in keeping the 
enemy at bay, and slew two of their chiefs who had ventured within 
reach of his sword. But an arrow which pierced his corslet brought 



B.C. 325. 



MUTINY OF ALEXANDER'S ARMY. 



199 



him to the ground, fainting with loss of blood. Two of his followers, 
who had jumped down after him, now stood over and defended 
him ; till at length, more soldiers having scaled the walls and 
opened one of the gates, sufficient numbers poured in not only to 
rescue their monarch, but to capture the citadel ; when every living 
being within the place was put to the sword. Upon arriving at the 
mouth of the Indus, Nearchus with the fleet was directed to explore 
the Indian Ocean, the Persian Gulf, and the mouths of the Tigris 
and Euphrates, with the view of establishing a maritime communi- 
cation between India and Persia. Alexander himself proceeded 
with his army, in the autumn of 326, through the burning deserts 
of Gedrosia towards Persepolis ; marching himself on foot, and 
sharing the privations and fatigues of the meanest soldier. In 
these regions the very atmosphere seems to be composed of a fine 
dust, which, on the slightest wind, penetrates into the mouth and 
nose, whilst the soil affords no firm footing to the traveller. The 
march through this inhospitable region lasted 60 days, during which 
numbers of the soldiers perished from fatigue or disease. At length 
they emerged into the fertile province of Carmania. Whilst in this 
country Alexander was rejoined by Nearchus, .who had arrived 
with his fleet at Harmozia (Ormuz) ; but who subsequently prose- 
cuted his voyage to the head of the Persian Gulf. 

Upon reaching Susa (b.c. 325) Alexander allowed his soldiers to 
repose from their fatigues, and amused them with a series of brilliant 
festivities. It was here that he adopted various measures with the 
view of consolidating his empire. One of the most important was 
to form the Greeks and Persians into one people by means of inter- 
marriages. He himself celebrated his nuptials with Statira, the 
eldest daughter of Darius, and bestowed the hand of her sister, 
Drypetis, on Hephsostion. Other marriages were made between 
Alexander's officers and Asiatic women, to the number, it is said, 
of about a hundred ; whilst no fewer than 10,000 of the common 
soldiers followed their example and took native wives. As another 
means of amalgamating the Europeans and Asiatics, lie caused 
numbers of the latter to be admitted into the army, and to be armed 
and trained in the Macedonian fashion. But these innovations 
were regarded with a jealous eye by most of the Macedonian 
veterans ; and this feeling was increased by the conduct of Alex^ 
ander himself, who assumed every day more and;.more of the state 
and manners of an eastern despot. Their long-stifled dissatisfaction 
broke out into open mutiny and rebellion at a review which took 
place at Opis on the Tigris. But the mutiny was quelled by the 
decisive conduct of Alexander. He immediately ordered thirteen 
of the ringleaders to be seized and executed, and then, addressing 



200 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XX, 



the remainder, pointed out to them how, by his own and his 
father's exertions, they had been raised from the condition of 
scattered herdsmen to be the masters of Greece and the lords of 
Asia ; and that, whilst he had abandoned to them the richest and 
most valuable fruits of his conquest, he had reserved nothing but 
the diadem for himself, as the mark of his superior labours and 
more imminent perils. He then secluded himself for two whole 
days, during which his Macedonian guard was exchanged for a 
Persian one, whilst nobles of the same nation were appointed to 
the most confidential posts about his person. Overcome by these 
marks of alienation on the part of their sovereign, the Macedonians 
now supplicated with tears to be restored to favour. A solemn 
reconciliation was effected, and 10.000 veterans were dismissed to 
their homes under the conduct of Craterus. That general was also 
appointed to the government of Macedonia in place of Antipater, 
who was ordered to repair to Asia with fresh reinforcements. 

Soon after these occurrences Alexander proceeded to Ecba- 
tana, where during the autumn he solemnized the festival of 
Dionysus with extraordinary splendour. But his enjoyment was 
suddenly converted into bitterness by the death of his friend 
Hephasstion, who was carried off by a fever. This event threw 
Alexander into a deep melancholy, from which he never entirely 
recovered. The memory of Hepheestion was honoured by ex- 
travagant marks of public mourning, and his body was conveyed to 
Babylon, to be there interred with the utmost magnificence. 

Alexander entered Babylon in the spring of 324, notwithstand- 
ing the warnings of the priests of Belus, who predicted some seri- 
ous evil to him if he entered the city at that time. Babylon was 
now to witness the consummation of his triumphs and of his life. 
Ambassadors from all parts of Greece, from Libya, Italy, and pro- 
bably from still more distant regions, were waiting to salute him, 
and to do homage to him as the conqueror of Asia ; the fleet under 
Xearchus had arrived after its long and enterprising voyage ; whilst 
for the reception of this navy, which seemed to ton the inland 
capital of his empire into a port, a magnificent harbour was in pro- 
cess of construction. The mind of Alexander was still occupied 
with plans of conquest and ambition ; his next design was the 
subjugation of Arabia ; which, however, was to be only the stepping- 
stone to the conquest of the whole known world. He despatched 
three expeditions to survey the coast of Arabia ; ordered a fleet to 
be built to explore the Caspian sea ; and engaged himself in 
surveying the course of the Euphrates, and in devising improve- 
ments of its navigation. The period for commencing the Arabian 
campaign had already arrived ; solemn sacrifices were offered up 



B.C. 323. 



DEATH OF ALEXANDER. 



201 



for its success, and grand banquets were given previous to departure. 
At these carousals Alexander drank deep ; and at the termination 
of the one given by his favourite, Medius, he was seized with un- 
equivocal symptoms of fever. For some days, however, he neglected 
the disorder, and continued to occupy himself with the necessary 
preparations for the march. But in eleven days the malady had 
gained a fatal strength, and terminated his life on the 28th of June, 
E.c. 323, at the early age of 32. Whilst he lay speechless on his 
deathbed his favourite troops were admitted to see him ; but he 
could offer them no other token of recognition than by stretching 
out his hand. 

Few of the great characters of history have been so differently 
judged as Alexander. Of the magnitude of his exploits, indeed, 
and of the justice with which, according to the usual sentiments of 
mankind, they confer upon him the title of " Great," there can be 
but one opinion. His military renown, however, consists more in 
the seemingly extravagant boldness of his enterprises than in the 
real power of the foes whom he overcame. The resistance he met 
with was not greater than that which a European army experiences 
in the present day from one composed of Asiatics ; and the empire 
of the East was decided by the two battles of Issus and Arbela. 
His chief difficulties were the geographical difficulties of distance, 
climate, and the nature of the ground traversed. But this is no 
proof that he was incompetent to meet a foe more worthy of his 
military skill ; and his proceedings in Greece before his departure 
show the reverse. His motives, it must be allowed, seem rather 
to have sprung from the love of personal glory and the excitement 
of conquest, than from any wish to benefit his subjects. Yet on the 
whole his achievements, though they undoubtedly occasioned great 
partial misery, must be regarded as beneficial to the human race. 
By his conquests the two continents were put into closer communi- 
cation with one another ; and both, but particularly Asia, were the 
gainers. The language, the arts, and the literature of Greece were 
introduced into the East ; and after the death of Alexander Greek 
kingdoms were formed in the western parts of Asia, which con- 
tinued to exist for many generations. 



Coin of ^Macedonia, 



CHAPTER XXI. 

FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO THE CONQUEST 
OF GBEECE BY THE ROMANS. B.C. 323-126. 

The vast empire of Alexander the Great was divided, at his death, 
among his generals; but, before relating their history, it is 
necessary to take a brief retrospective glance at the affairs of 
Greece. Three years after Alexander had quitted Europe the 
Spartans made a vigorous effort to throw off the Macedonian yoke. 
They were joined by most of the Peloponnesian states ; but though 
they met with some success at first, they were finally defeated with 
great slaughter by Antipater near Megalopolis. Agis fell in the 
battle, and the chains of Greece were riveted more firmly than 
ever. This victory, and the successes of Alexander in the East, 
encouraged the Macedonian party in Athens to take active mea- 
sures against Demosthenes ; and iEschines revived an old charge 
against him which had lain dormant for several years. Soon after 
the battle of Chseronea, Ctesiphon had proposed that Demosthenes 
should be presented with a golden crown in the theatre during the 
great Dionysiac festival, on account of the services he had conferred 
upon his country. For proposing this decree iEschines indicted 
Ctesiphon ; but though the latter was the nominal defendant, it was 
Demosthenes who was really put upon his trial. The case was 
decided in 330 B.C., and has been immortalized by the memorable 
and still extant speeches of iEschines 'Against Ctesiphon,' and 
of Demosthenes 'On the Crown.' iEschines, who did not obtain 
a fifth part of the votes, and consequently became himself liable 
to a penalty, was so chagrined at Ms defeat that he retired to 
Rhodes. 

In B.C. 325 Harpalus arrived in Athens. He had been left 



B.C. 325. 



CONDEMNATION OF DEMOSTHENES. 



203 



by Alexander at Ecbatana in charge of the royal treasures, and 
appears also to have held the important satrapy of Babylon. 
During the absence of Alexander in India he gave himself up 
to the most extravagant luxury and profusion, squandering the 
treasures intrusted to him, at the same time that he alienated the 
people subject to his rule by his lustful excesses and extortions. 
He had probably thought that Alexander would never return from 
the remote regions of the East into which he had penetrated; 
but when he at length learnt that the king was on his march back 
to Susa, and had visited with unsparing rigour those of his officers 
who had been guilty of any excesses during his absence, he at once 
saw that his only resource was in flight. Collecting together all 
the treasures which he could, and assembling a body of 6000 
mercenaries, he hastened to the coast of Asia, and from thence 
crossed over to Attica, At first the Athenians refused to receive 
him; but bribes administered to some of the principal orators 
induced them to alter their determination. Such a step was 
tantamount to an act of hostility against Macedonia itself; and 
accordingly Antipater called upon the Athenians to deliver up 
Harpalus, and to bring to trial those who had accepted his bribes. 
The Athenians did not venture to disobey these demands. Harpalus 
was put into confinement, but succeeded in making his escape from 
prison. Demosthenes was among the orators who were brought 
to trial for corruption. He was declared to be guilty, and was con- 
demned to pay a fine of 50 talents. Not being able to raise that 
sum, he was thrown into prison ; but he contrived to make his 
escape, and went into exile. There are, however, good grounds for 
doubting his guilt ; and it is more probable that he fell a victim to 
the implacable hatred of the Macedonian party. Upon quitting 
Athens Demosthenes resided chiefly at iEgina or Trcezen, in sight 
of his native land, and whenever he looked towards her shores it 
was observed that he shed tears. 

When the news of Alexander's death reached Athens, the 
anti-Macedonian party, which, since the exile of Demosthenes, 
wa3 led by Hyperides, carried all before it. The people in a 
decree declared their determination to support the liberty of 
Greece. Envoys were despatched to all the Grecian states to 
announce the determination of Athens, and to exhort them to 
struggle with her for their independence. This call was responded 
to in the Peloponnesus only by the smaller states, whilst Sparta, 
Arcadia, and Achaia kept aloof. In northern Greece the con- 
federacy was joined by most of the states except the Boeotians ; 
and Leosthenes was appointed commander-in-chief of the allied 
forces. 



204 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XXI. 



The allied army assembled in the neighbourhood of Thermopylae. 
Antipater now advanced from the north, and offered battle in the 
vale of the Spercheus ; but being deserted by his Thessalian 
cavalry, who went over to his opponents during the heat of the 
engagement, he was obliged to retreat, and threw himself into 
Lamia, a strong fortress on the Malian gulf. Leosthenes, desirous 
to finish the war at a blow, pressed the siege with the utmost 
vigour: but his assaults were repulsed, and he was compelled to 
resort -to the slower method of a blockade. From this town 
the contest between Antipater and the allied Greeks has been 
called the Lamian War. 

The novelty of a victory over the Macedonian arms was received 
with boundless exultation at Athens, and this feeling was raised 
to a still higher pitch by the arrival of an embassy from Antipater 
to sue for peace. But the Athenians were so elated with their 
good fortune, that they would listen to no terms but the uncondi- 
tional surrender of Antipater. Meantime Demosthenes, though 
still an exile, exerted himself in various parts of the Peloponnesus 
in counteracting the envoys of Antipater, and in endeavouring 
to gain adherents to the cause of Athens and the allies. The 
Athenians in return invited Demosthenes back to his native country, 
and a ship was sent to convey him to Pirfeus, where he was 
received with extraordinary honours. 

3Ieanwhile Leonnatus, governor of the Hellespontine Phrygia, 
had appeared on the theatre of war with an army of 20.000 foot 
and 2500 horse. Leosthenes had been slain at Lamia in a sally 
of the besieged; and Antiphilus, on whom the command of the 
allied army devolved, hastened to offer battle to Leonnatus 
before he could arrive at Lamia. The hostile armies met in one 
of the plains of Thessaly, where Leonnatus was killed and 
his troops defeated. Antipater, as soon as the blockade of 
Lamia was raised, had pursued Antiphilus, and on the day 
after the battle he effected a junction with the beaten army of 
Leonnatus. 

Shortly afterwards Antipater was still further reinforced by the 
arrival of Craterus with a considerable force from Asia ; and being 
now at the head of an army which outnumbered the forces of the 
allies, he marched against them, and gained a decisive victory over 
them near Crannon in Thessaly, on the 7th of August, B.C. 322. 
The allies were now compelled to sue for peace ; but Antipater 
refused to treat with them except as separate states, foreseeing that 
by this means many would be detached from the confederacy. 
The result answered his expectations. One by one the various 
states submitted, till at length all had laid down their arma. 



B.C. 322. 



THE LAMIAN WAR. 



205 



Athens, the original instigator of the insurrection, now lay at 
the mercy of the conqueror. As Antipater advanced, Phocion 
used all the influence which he possessed with the Macedonians 
in favour of his countrymen ; but he could obtain no other terms 
than an unconditional surrender. On a second mission Phocion 
received the final demands of Antipater ; which were, that the 
Athenians should deliver up a certain number of their orators, 
among whom were Demosthenes and Hyperides ; that their political 
franchise should be limited by a property qualification ; that 
they should receive a Macedonian garrison in Munychia; and 
that they should defray the expenses of the war. Such was 
the result of the Lamian war, which riveted the Macedonian fetters 
more firmly than ever. 

After the return of the envoys bringing the ultimatum of 
Antipater, the sycophant Demades procured a decree for the death 
of the denounced orators. Demosthenes, and the other persons 
compromised, made their escape from Athens before the Mace- 
donian garrison arrived. iEgina was their first place of refuge, but 
they soon parted in different directions. Hyperides fled . to the 
temple of Demeter (Ceres) at Hermione in Peloponnesus, whilst 
Demosthenes took refuge in that of Poseidon (Neptune) in the isle 
of Calaurea, near Trcezen. But the satellites of Antipater, under 
the guidance of a Thurian named Archias, who had formerly been 
an actor, tore them from their sanctuaries. Hyperides was carried 
to Athens, and it is said that Antipater took the brutal and 
cowardly revenge of ordering his tongue to be cut out, and his 
remains to be thrown to the dogs. Demosthenes contrived at least 
to escape the insults of the tyrannical conqueror. Archias at first 
endeavoured to entice him from his sanctuary by the blandest 
promises. But Demosthenes, forewarned, it is said, by a dream, 
fixing his eyes intently on him, exclaimed, " Your acting, Archias, 
never touched me formerly, nor do your promises now." And when 
Archias began to employ threats, "Good," said Demosthenes; 
* now you speak as from the Macedonian tripod ; before you were 
only playing a part. But wait awhile, and let me write my last 
directions to my family." So taking his writing materials, he put 
the reed into his mouth, and bit it for some time, as was his custom 
when composing ; after which he covered his head with Ins garment 
and reclined against a pillar. The guards who accompanied 
Archias, imagining this to be a mere trick, laughed and called him 
coward, whilst Archias began to renew his false persuasions, 
Demosthenes, feeling the poison work — for such it was that he had 
concealed in the reed — now bade him lead on. "You may now," 
said he, " enact the part of Creon, and cast me out unburied ; but 



206 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XXI. 



at least, O gracious Poseidon, I have not polluted thy temple by my 
death, which. Antipater and his Macedonians would not have 
scrupled at." But whilst he was endeavouring to walk out, he fell 
down by the altar and expired. 
y The history of Alexander's successors is marked from first 
to last by dissensions, crimes, and unscrupulous ambition. It 
is only necessary for the purpose of the present work to mention 
very briefly the most important events. 

Alexander on his death-bed is said to have given his signet-ring 
to Perdiccas, but he had left no legitimate heir to his throne- 
though his wife Eoxana was pregnant. On the day after Alex- 
ander's death a military council was assembled, in which Perdiccas 
assumed a leading part ; and in which, after much debate, an 
arrangement was at length effected on the following basis : That 
Philip Arrhidaeus, a young man of weak intellect, the half-brother 
of Alexander (being the son of Philip by a Thessalian woman 
namea Philinna), should be declared king, reserving however 
to the child of Eoxana, if a son should be born, a share in the 
sovereignty : that the government of Macedonia and Greece should 
be divided between Antipater and Craterus : that Ptolemy should 
preside over Egypt and the adjacent countries : that Antigonus 
should have Phrygia Proper, Lycia, and Pamphylia : that the 
Hellespontine Phrygia should be assigned to Leonnatus : that 
Eumenes should have the satrapy of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, 
which countries, however, still remained to be subdued : and that 
Thrace should be committed to Lysimachus. Perdiccas reserved 
for himself the command of the horse-guards, the post before held 
by Hephaestion, in virtue of which he became the guardian of 
Philip Arrhidseus. the nominal sovereign. It was not for some 
time after these arrangements had been completed that the last 
rites were paid to Alexander's remains. They were conveyed 
to Alexandria, and deposited in a cemetery which afterwards 
became the burial-place of the Ptolemies. Nothing could exceed 
the magnificence of the funeral car, which was adorned with 
ornaments of massive gold, and was so heavy, that it was more than 
a year in being conveyed from Babylon to Syria, though drawn 
by 84 mules. In due time Eoxana was delivered of a son, to whom 
the name of Alexander was given, and who was declared the 
partner of Arrhidseus in the empire. Eoxana had previously 
inveigled Statira and her sister Drypetis to Babylon, where she 
caused them to be secretly assassinatecL 

Perdiccas possessed more power than any of Alexander's gene- 
rals, and he now aspired to the Macedonian throne. His designs, 
however, were not unknown to Antigonus and Ptolemy ; and when 



B.C. 318. 



DEATH OF ANTIPATER. 



207 



he attempted to bring Antigonus to trial for some offence in the 
government of his satrapy, that general made his escape to Mace- 
donia, where he revealed to Antipater the full extent of the 
ambitious schemes of Perdiccas, and thus at once induced Antipater 
and Craterus to unite in a league with him and Ptolemy, and 
openly declare war against the regent. Thus assailed on all sides, 
Perdiccas resolved to direct his arms in the first instance against 
Ptolemy. In the spring of B.C. 321 he accordingly set out on 
his march against Egypt, at the head of a formidable army, 
and accompanied by Philip Arrhidgeus, and Eoxana and her 
infant son. He advanced without opposition as far as Pelusium, 
but he found the banks of the Nile strongly fortified and guarded 
by Ptolemy, and was repulsed in repeated attempts to force the 
passage of the river ; in the last of which, near Memphis, he 
lost-great numbers of men by the depth and rapidity of the current. 
Perdiccas had never been popular with the soldiery, and these 
disasters completely alienated their affections. A conspiracy was 
formed against him, and some of his chief officers murdered him in 
his tent. 

The death of Perdiccas was followed by a fresh distribution 
of the provinces of the empire. At a meeting of the generals held 
at Triparadisus in Syria, towards the end of the year 321 B.C., 
Antipater was declared regent, retaining the government of Mace- 
donia and Greece ; Ptolemy was continued in the government 
of Egypt ; Seleucus received the satrapy of Babylon ; whilst 
Antigonus not only retained his old province, but was rewarded 
with that of Susiana. 

Antipater did not long survive these events. He died in the 
year 318, at the advanced age of 80, leaving Polysperchon, one of 
Alexander's oldest generals, regent ; much to the surprise and 
mortification of his son Cassander, who received only the secondary 
dignity of Chiliarch, or commander of the cavalry. Cassander was 
now bent on obtaining the regency ; but seeing no hope of success 
in Macedonia, he went over to Asia to solicit the assistance of 
Antigonus. 

Polysperchon, on his side, sought to conciliate the friendship 
of the Grecian states, by proclaiming them all free and independent, 
and by abolishing the oligarchies which had been set up by 
Antipater. In order to enforce these measures, Polysperchon 
prepared to march into Greece, whilst his son Alexander was 
despatched beforehand with an army towards Athens, to compel 
the Macedonian garrison under the command of Nicanor to 
evacuate Munychia. Nicanor, however, refused to move without 
orders from Cassander, whose general he declared himself to be. 



208 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XXI. 



Pliocion was suspected of intriguing in favour of Xicanor, and, 
being accused of treason, fled to Alexander, now encamped before 
the walls of Athens. Alexander sent Phocion to his father, who 
sent him back to Athens in chains, to be tried by the Athenian 
people. The theatre, where his trial was to take place, was soon 
full to overflowing. Phocion was assailed on every side by the 
clamours of his enemies, which prevented his defence from being 
heard, and he was condemned to death by a show of hands. 
To the last Phocion maintained his calm and dignified, but 
somewhat contemptuous bearing. When some wretched man 
spat upon him as he passed to the prison, <; Will no one," said 
he, *' check this fellow's indecency?" To one who asked him 
whether he had any message to leave for his son Phocus, he 
answered, " Only that he bear no grudge against the Athenians." 
And when the hemlock which had been prepared was found 
insufficient for all the condemned, and the jailer would not furnish 
more unless he was paid for it, " Give the man his money," said 
Phocion to one of his friends, " since at Athens one cannot even die 
for nothing." He died in B.C. 317, at the age of So. The Athe- 
nians afterwards repented of their conduct towards Phocion. His 
bones, which had been cast out on the frontiers of Megara, were 
brought back to Athens, and a bronze statue was erected to his 
memory. 

Whilst Alexander was negotiating with Xicanor about the 
surrender of Alimyclna. Cassandei arrived in the Piraeus with a 
considerable army, with which Antigonus had supplied him. Poly- 
sperchon was obliged to retire from Athens, and Cassander estab- 
lished an oligarchical government in the city under the presidency 
of Demetrius of Phalerus. 

Although Polysperchon was supported by Olyrnpias, the mother 
of Alexander the Great, he proved no match for Cassander, who 
became master of Macedonia after the fall of Pydna in B.C. 316. 
In this city Olyrnpias had taken refuge together with Koxana and 
her son ; but after a blockade of some months it was obliged 
to surrender. Olyrnpias had stipulated that her life should be 
spared, but Cassander soon afterwards caused her to be murdered, 
and kept Eoxana and her son in custody in the citadel of Amphi- 
pofis. Shortly afterwards Cassander began the restoration of 
Thebes (b.c. 315), in the twentieth year after its destruction by 
Alexander, a measure highly popular with the Greeks. 

A new war now broke out in the East. Antigonus had become 
the most powerful of Alexander's successors. He had conquered 
Eumenes, who had long defied his arms, and he now began to 
dispose of the provinces as he thought fit. His increasing power 



B.C. 307. 



EXPEDITION OF DEMETRIUS. 



209 



and ambitious projects led to a general coalition against him, con- 
sisting of Ptolemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and Lysirnachus, the 
governor of Thrace. The war began in the year 315, and was 
carried on with great vehemence and alternate success in Syria, 
Phoenicia, Asia Minor, and Greece. After four years all parties 
became exhausted with the struggle, and peace was accordingly 
concluded in 311, on condition that the Greek cities should be free, 
that Cassander should retain his authority in Europe till Alexander 
came of age, that Ptolemy and Lysimachus should keep possession 
of Egypt and Thrace respectively, and that Antigonus should have 
the government of all Asia. This hollow peace, which had been 
merely patched up for the convenience of the parties concerned, 
was not of long duration. ' It seems to have been the immediate 
cause of another of those crimes which disgrace the history of 
Alexander's successors. His son, Alexander, who had now attained 
the age of sixteen, was still shut up with Ms mother Koxana in 
Amphipolis; and his partisans, with injudicious zeal, loudly ex- 
pressed their wish that he should be released and placed upon the 
throne. In order to avert this event Cassander contrived the secret 
murder both of the mother and the son. 

This- abominable act, however, does not appear to have caused a 
breach of the peace. Ptolemy was the first to break it (b.c. 310), 
under the pretext that Antigonus, by keeping his garrisons in the 
Greek cities of Asia .and the islands, had not respected that article 
of the treaty which guaranteed Grecian freedom. After the war 
had lasted three years Antigonus resolved to make a vigorous effort 
to wrest Greece from the hands of Cassander and Ptolemy, who 
held all the principal towns in it. Accordingly, in the summer of 
307 b.c. he despatched his son Demetrius from Ephesus to Athens, 
with a fleet of 250 sail, and 5000 talents in money. Demetrius, who 
afterwards obtained the surname of " Poliorcetes," or " Besieger of 
Cities," was a young man of ardent temperament and great abilities. 
Upon arriving at the Piraeus he immediately proclaimed the object 
of his expedition to be the liberation of Athens and the expulsion of 
the Macedonian garrison. Supported by the Macedonians, Deme- 
trius the Phalerean had now ruled Athens for a period of more than 
ten ' years. Of mean birth, Demetrius the Phalerean owed his 
elevation entirely to his talents and perseverance. His skill as an 
orator raised him to distinction among his countrymen ; and his 
politics, which led him to embrace the party of Phocion, recom- 
mended him to Cassander and the Macedonians. He cultivated 
many branches of literature, and was at once an historian, *a philo- 
sopher, and a poet ; but none of his works have come down to us. 
The Athenians heard with pleasure the proclamations of the son of 

p 



210 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XXL 



Antigoims • Ms namesake, the Phalerean, was obliged to surrender 
the city to him, and to close his political career by retiring to 
Thebes. The Macedonian garrison in Munychia offered a slight 
resistance, which was soon overcome. Demetrius Poliorcetes then 
fonnally announced to the Athenian assembly the restoration of 
their ancient constitution, and promised them a large donative of 
corn and ship-timber. This munificence was repaid by the Athenians 
with the basest and most abject flattery. Both Demetrius and his 
father were deified, and two new tribes, those of Antigonias and 
Demetrias, were added to the existing ten which derived their 
names from the ancient heroes of Attica. \ 

Demetrius Poliorcetes did not, however, remain long at Athens, 
Early in 306 B.C. he was recalled by his father, and, sailing 
to Cyprus, undertook the siege of Salamis. Ptolemy hastened 
to its relief with 140 vessels and 10,000 troops. The battle that 
ensued was one of the most memorable in the annals of ancient 
naval warfare, more particularly on account of the vast size of 
the vessels engaged. Ptolemy was completely defeated ; and so 
important was the victory deemed by Antigonus, that on the 
tetrength of it he assumed the title of king, which he also conferred 
upon his son. This example was followed by Ptolemy, Seleucus, 
and Lysimachus. 

Demetrius now undertook an expedition against Ehodes, which 
had refused its aid in the attack upon Ptolemy. It was from the 
memorable siege of Ehodes that Demetrius obtained his name of 
"Poliorcetes." After in vain attempting to take the town from the 
sea-side, by means of floating batteries, from which stones of 
enormous weight were hurled from engines with incredible force 
against the walls, he determined to alter his plan and invest 
it on the land-side. With the assistance of Epimachus, an Athe- 
nian engineer, he constructed a machine which, in anticipation of 
its effect, was called Helepolis, or " the city-taker." This was a 
square wooden tower, 150 feet high, and divided into nine stories, 
filled with armed men, who discharged missiles through apertures 
in the sides. When armed and prepared for attack, it required the 
strength of 2300 men to set this enormous machine in motion. But 
though it was assisted by the operation of two battering-rams, each 
150 feet long and propelled by the labour of 1000 men, the 
Ehodians were so active in repairing the breaches made in their 
walls, that, after a year spent in the vain attempt to take the town, 
Demetrius was forced to retire and grant the Ehodians peace. 

In 301 B.C. the struggle between Antigonus and his rivals 
was brought to a close by the battle of Ipsus in Phrygia, in which 
Antigonus was killed, and his army completely defeated. He had 



B.C. 294. CONQUESTS OF DEMETRIUS— PYRRHUS. 



211 



attained the age of 81 at the time of his death. A third partition 
of the empire of Alexander was now made. Seleucus and 
Lysimachus shared between them the possessions of Antigonus. 
Lysimachns seems to have had the greater part of Asia Minor, 
whilst the whole country from the coast of Syria to the Euphrates, 
as well as a part of Phrygia and Cappadocia, fell to the share of 
Seleucus. The latter founded on the Orontes a new capital of his 
empire, which he named Antioch, after his father Antiochus, and 
which long continued to be one of the most important Greek cities 
in Asia. The fall of Antigonus secured Cassander in the possession 
of Greece. 

Demetrius was now a fugitive, but in the following year he was 
agreeably surprised by receiving an embassy from Seleucus, by 
which that monarch solicited his daughter Stratonice in marriage; 
Demetrius gladly granted the request, and found himself so much 
strengthened by this alliance, that in the spring of the year 296 he 
was in a condition to attack Athens, which he captured after a long 
siege, and drove out the bloodthirsty tyrant Lachares, who had 
been established there by Cassander. 

Meanwhile Cassander had died shortly before the siege of 
Athens, and was succeeded on the throne of Macedon by his eldest 
son, Philip IV.* But that young prince died in 295, and the 
succession was disputed between his two brothers, Antipater and 
Alexander. Demetrius availed himself of the distracted state of 
Macedonia to make himself master of that country (b.c. 294). He 
reigned over Macedonia, and the greater part of Greece, about 
seven years. He aimed at recovering the whole of his father's 
dominions in Asia ; but before he was ready to take the field, his 
adversaries, alarmed at his preparations, determined to forestall 
him. In the spring of b.c. 287 Ptolemy sent a powerful fleet 
against Greece, while Pyrrhus on the one side and Lysimachus 
on the other simultaneously invaded Macedonia. Demetrius had 
completely alienated his own subjects by his proud and haughty 
bearing, and by his lavish expenditure on his own luxuries ; 
while Pyrrhus by his generosity, affability, and daring courage, 
had become the hero of the Macedonians, who looked upon him 
as a second Alexander. The appearance of Pyrrhus was the 
signal for revolt : the Macedonian troops flocked to his standard, 
and Demetrius was compelled to fly. Pyrrhus now ascended the 
throne of Macedonia ; but his reign was of brief duration ; and 
at the end of seven months he was in turn driven out by Lysi- 
machus. Demetrius made several attempts to regain his power 

* Philip Arrhidceus is called Philip III. 

p 2 



212 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XXI. 



in Greece, and then set sail for Asia, where he successively 
endeavoured to establish hi ni self in the territories of Lysimachus, 
and of his son-in-law Seleucus. Falling at length into the hands 
of the latter, he was kept in a kind of magnificent captivity in 
a royal residence in Syria ; where, in 283, at the early age of 55, 
his chequered career was brought to a close, partly by chagrin, and 
partly by the sensual indulgences with winch he endeavomed to 
divert it. 




Coin of Demetrius Poliorcetes. 



Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy now divided the empire of 
Alexander between them. In Egypt the aged Ptolemy had abdi- 
cated in 285 in favour of his son by Berenice, afterwards known as 
Ptolemy Philadelphus, and to the exclusion of his eldest son, 
Ptolemy Ceraunus, by his wife Eurydice. Ptolemy Ceraunus 
quitted Egypt in disgust, and fled to the court of Lysimachus ; and 
Arsinoe, the wife of Lysimachus, jealous of her stepson Agathocles, 




Coin of Ptolemy I., Soter. 



the heir apparent to the throne, and desirous of securing the 
succession for her own children, conspired with Ptolemy Ceraunus 
against the life of Agathocles. She even procured the consent of 
Lysimachus to his murder ; and after some vain attempts to make 
away with him by poison, he was flung into prison, where Ptolemy 
Ceraunus despatched him with his own hand. Lysandra, the mother 
of Agathocles, fled with the rest of her family to Seleucus, to demand 



B.C. 280. 



ASSASSINATION OF SELEUCUS. 



213 



from him protection and vengeance ; and Seleucus, induced by 
the hopes of success, inspired by the discontent and dissensions 
which so foul an act had excited among the subjects of Lysi- 
machus, espoused her cause. The hostilities which ensued between 
him and Lysimachus were brought to a termination by the 
battle of Corupedion, fought near Sardis in 281, in which Lysi- 
machus was defeated and slain. By this victory, Macedonia, and 
the whole of Alexander's empire, with the exception of Egypt, 
southern Syria, Cyprus, and part of Phoenicia, fell under the sceptre 
of Seleucus. 




Coin of Seleucus. 



That monarch, who had not beheld his native land since 
he first joined the expedition of Alexander, now crossed the 
Hellespont to take possession of Macedonia. Ptolemy Ceraunus, 
who after the battle of Corupedion had thrown himself on the 
mercy of Seleucus, and had been received with forgiveness and 
favour, accompanied him on this journey. The murder of Aga- 
thocles had not been committed by Ptolemy merely to oblige 
Arsinoe. He had even then designs upon the supreme power, 
which he now completed by another crime. As Seleucus stopped 
to sacrifice at a celebrated altar near Lysimachia in Thrace, 
Ptolemy treacherously assassinated him by stabbing him in the 
back (280). After this base and cowardly act, Ptolemy Ceraunus, 
who gave himself out as the avenger of Lysimachus, was, by one 
of those movements wholly inexplicable to our modern notions, 
saluted king by the army ; but the Asiatic dominions of Seleucus 
fell to his son Antiochus, surnamed Soter. The crime of Ptolemy, 
however, was speedily overtaken by a just punishment. In the 
very same year his kingdom of Macedonia and Thrace was invaded 
by an immense host of Celts, and Ptolemy fell at the head 
of the forces which he led against them. A second invasion 
of the same barbarians compelled the Greeks to raise a force 
for their defence, which was intrusted to the command of the 
Athenian Callippus (b.c. 279). On this occasion the Celts, 



2U 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XXI. 



attracted by the report of treasures which, were now perhaps 
little more than an empty name, penetrated as far southwards as 
Delphi, with the view of plundering the temple. The god, it is 
said, vindicated his sanctuary on this occasion in the same 
supernatural manner as when it was attacked by the Persians : it 
is at all events certain that the Celts were repidsed with great loss, 
including that of their leader Brennus. Nevertheless some of their 
tribes succeeded in establishing themselves near the Danube ; 
others settled on the sea-coast of Thrace ; whilst a third portion 
passed over into Asia, and gave their name to the country called 
G-alatia. 

After the death of Ptolemy Ceraunus, Macedonia fell for some 
time into a state of anarchy and confusion, and the crown was dis- 
puted by several pretenders. At length, in 278, Antigonus Gonatas, 
son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, succeeded in establishing himself on 
the throne of Macedonia ; and, with the exception of two or three 
years (274-272) during which he was temporarily expelled by 
Pyrrhus, he continued to retain possession of it till his death in 239. 
The struggle between Antigonus and Pyrrhus was brought to a 
close at Argos in 272. Pyrrhus had marched into the Peloponnesus 
with a large force in order to make war upon Sparta, but with the 
collateral design of reducing the places which still held out for 
Antigonus. Pyrrhus, having failed in an attempt to take Sparta, 
marched against Argos, where Antigonus also arrived with his 
forces. Both armies entered the city by opposite gates ; and in a 
battle which ensued in the streets Pyrrhus was struck from his 
horse by a tile hurled by a woman from a house-top, and was then 
despatched by some soldiers of Antigonus. Such was the inglo- 
rious end of one of the bravest and most warlike monarchs of 
antiquity ; whose character for moral virtue, though it would not 
stand the test of modern scrutiny, shone out conspicuously in com- 
parison with that of contemporary sovereigns. 

Antigonus Gonatas now made himself master of the greater part 
of Peloponnesus, which he governed by means of tyrants whom he 
established in various cities. 

While all Greece, with the exception of Sparta, seemed hopelessly 
prostrate at the feet of Macedonia, a new political power, which 
sheds a lustre on the declining period of Grecian history, arose in a 
small province in Peloponnesus, of which the very name has been 
hitherto rarely mentioned since the heroic age. In Achaia, a 
narrow slip of country upon the shores of the Corinthian gulf, a 
league, chiefly for religious purposes, had existed from a very early 
period among the twelve chief cities of the province. This league, 
however, had never possessed much political importance, and it had 



B.C. 251. 



THE ACHiEAN LEAGUE. 



215 



been suppressed by the Macedonians. At the time of which we 
are speaking Antigomis Gonatas was in possession of all the 
cities formerly belonging to the league, either by means of his 
garrisons or of the tyrants who were subservient to him. It 
was, however, this very oppression that led to a revival of the 
league. The Achaean towns, now only ten in number, as two 
had been destroyed by earthquakes, began gradually to coalesce 
again ; but Aratus of Sicyon, one of the most remarkable characters 
of this period of Grecian history, was the man who, about the year 
251 B.C., first called the new league into active political existence. 
He had long lived in exile at Argos, whilst his native city groaned 
under the dominion of a succession of tyrants. Having collected a 
band of exiles, he surprised Sicyon in the night time, and drove out 
the last and most unpopular of these tyrants. Instead of seizing 
the tyranny for himself, as he might easily have done, Aratus con- 
sulted only the advantage of his country, and with this view united 
Sicyon with the Achaean league. The accession of so important a 
town does not appear to have altered the constitution of the con- 
federacy. The league was governed by a Strategus, or general, 
whose functions were both military and civil ; a Grammateus, or 
secretary ; and a council of ten Demiurgi. The sovereignty, however, 
resided in the general assembly, which met twice a year in a sacred 
grove near iEgium. It was composed of every Achaean who had 
attained the age of thirty, and possessed the right of electing the 
officers of the league, and of deciding all questions of war, peace, 
foreign alliances, and the like. In the year 245 b.c. Aratus was 
elected Strategus of the league, and again in 243. In the latter of 
these years he succeeded in wresting Corinth from the Macedonians 
by another nocturnal surprise, and uniting it to the league. The 
confederacy now spread with wonderful rapidity. It was soon 
joined by Troezen, Epidaurus, Hermione, and other cities; "and 
ultimately embraced Athens, Megara, iEgina, Salamis, and the 
whole Peloponnesus, with the exception of Sparta, Elis, and some 
of the Arcadian towns. 

Sparta, it is true, still continued to retain her independence, but 
without a shadow of her former greatness and power. The primitive 
simplicity of Spartan manners had been completely destroyed by 
the collection of wealth into a few hands, and by the consequent 
progress of luxury. The number of Spartan citizens had been 
reduced to 700 ; but even of these there were not above a hundred 
who possessed a sufficient quantity of land to maintain themselves 
in independence. The young king, Agis IV., who succeeded to the 
crown in 244, attempted to revive the ancient Spartan virtue, by 
restoring the institutions of Lycurgus, by cancelling all debts, and 



216 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XZvI. 



by making a new distribution of lands ; and with this view he 
relinquished all his own property, as well as that of his family, for 
the public good. But Agis perished in this attempt, and was put 
to death as a traitor to Ms order. A few years afterwards, however, 
Cieomenes, the son of Leonidas, succeeded in effecting the reforms 
which had been contemplated by Agis, as well as several others 
which regarded military discipline. The effect of these new mea- 
sures soon became visible in the increased success of the Spartan 
arms. Aratus was so hard pressed that he was compelled to solicit 
the assistance of the Macedonians. Both Antigonus Gonatas and 
his son Demetrius II. — who had reigned in Macedonia from 239 to 
229 B.C. — were now dead, and the government was administered by 
Antigonus Doson, as guardian of Philip, the youthful son of Deme- 
trius II. Antigonus Doson was the grandson of Demetrius Polior- 
cetes, and the nephew of Antigonus Gonatas. The Macedonians 
compelled him to accept the crown ; but he remained faithful to 
his trust as guardian of Philip, whose mother he married ; and 
though he had children of his own by her, yet Philip succeeded him 
on his death.* It was to Antigonus Doson that Aratus applied for 
assistance ; and though Cieomenes maintained his ground for some 
time, he was finally defeated by Antigonus Doson in the fatal 
battle of Sellasia in Laconia'B.c. 221 . The army of Cieomenes was 
almost totally annihilated ; he himself was obliged to fly to Egypt ; 
and Sparta, which for many centuries had remained unconquered, 
fell into the hands of the victor. 

In the following year Antigonus was succeeded by Philip V., 
the son of Demetrius II., who was then about sixteen or seventeen 
years of age. His youth encouraged the JEtolians to make preda- 
tory incursions into the Peloponnesus. That people were a species 
of freebooters, and the terror of their neighbours ; yet they were 
united, like the Achseans, in a confederacy or league. The JEtolian 

* The succession of Macedonian kings from Alexander the Great to the 
extinction of the monarchy -will he seen from the following table : — 

B.C. 

Philip ni. Arrhidaeus -. 323-316 

Cassander 316-296 

Philip IV 296-295 

Demetrius I. Poliorcetes 294-287 

Pyrrhus 287-286 

Lysimachus 286-280 

Ptolemy Ceraunus and others 280-277 

Antigonus Gonatas 27 7-239 

Demetrius II 239-229 

Antigonus Doson 229-220 

Philip Y 220-178 



B.C. 220. 



THE JETOLIAN LEAGUE. 



217 



League was a confederation of tribes instead of cities, like the 
Achaean. The diet or council of the league, called the Panaetolicum, 
assembled every autumn, generally at Thermon, to elect the stra- 
tegus and other officers ; but the details of its affairs were conducted 
by a committee called Apocleti, who seem to have formed a sort of 
permanent council. The iEtolians had availed themselves of the dis- 
organised state of Greece consequent upon the death of Alexander 
to extend their power, and had gradually made themselves masters 
ofLocris, Phocis, Bceotia, together with portions of Acarnania, 
Thessaly, and Epirus. Thus both the Amphictyonic Council and 
the oracle of Delphi were in their power. They had early wrested 
Naupactus from the Achaeans, and had subsequently acquired 
several Peloponnesian cities. 




Coin of Philip V., king of Macedonia. 



Such was the condition of the iEtolians at the time of Philip's 
accession. Soon after that event we find them, under the leadership 
of Dorimachus, engaged in a series of freebooting expeditions in 
Messenia, and other parts of Peloponnesus. Aratus marched to the 
assistance of the Messenians at the head of the Achaean forces, but 
was totally defeated in a battle near Caphyae. The Achaeans now 
saw no hope of safety except through the assistance of Philip. 
That young monarch was ambitious and enterprising, possessing 
considerable military ability and much political sagacity. He 
readily listened to the application of the Achaeans, and in 220 
entered into an alliance with them. The war which ensued 
between the iEtolians on the one side, and the Achaeans, assisted 
by Philip, on the other, and which lasted about three years, has 
been called the Social War, Philip gained several victories over 
the iEtolians, but he concluded a treaty of peace with them in 217, 
because he was anxious to turn his arms against another and more 
formidable power. 

The great struggle now going on between Eome and Carthage 
attracted the attention of the whole civilized world. It was evident 
that Greece, distracted by intestine quarrels, must be soon swal- 



218 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XXI. 



lowed up by whichever of those great states might prove successful; 
and of the two, the ambition of the Eomans. who had already 
gained a footing on the eastern shores of the Adriatic, was by far 
the more formidable to Greece. After the conclnsion of the peace 
with the iEtolians Philip prepared a large fleet, which lie employed 
to watch the movements of the Eomans, and in the following year 
(216 he concluded a treaty with Hannibal, which, among other 
clauses, provided that the Eomans should not be allowed to retain 
their conquests on the eastern side of the Adriatic. He even medi- 
tated an invasion of Italy, and with that view endeavoured to make 
himself master of Apollonia and Orieuni. But though he suc- 
ceeded in taking the latter city, the Eomans surprised his camp 
whilst he was besieging Apollonia, and compelled him to burn his 
ships and retire. Meanwhile Philip had acted in a most arbitrary 
manner in the affairs of Greece ; and when Aratus remonstrated 
with him respecting his proceedings, he got rid of his former 
friend and counsellor by means of a slow and secret poison (b.c. 
213. 

In b.c. 209 the Achteans, being hard pressed by the JEtolians, 
were again induced to call in the aid of Philip. The spirit of the 
Achaeans was at this time revived by Philopcemen, one of the few 
noble characters of the period, and who has been styled by Plutarch 
"the last of the Greeks." He was a native of Megalopolis in Ar- 
cadia, and in 208 was elected Strategus of the league. In both 
these posts Philopcemen made great alterations and improvements 
in the arms and discipline of the Achaean forces, which he assimi- 
lated to those of the Macedonian phalanx. These reforms, as well 
as the public spirit with which he had inspired the Achaaans, were 
attended with the most beneficial results. In 207 Philopcemen 
gained at Mantinea a signal victory over the Lacedsemonians, who 
had joined the Eoman alliance ; 4000 of them were left upon the 
field, and among them Machanidas, who had made himself tyrant 
of Sparta. This decisive battle, combined with the withdrawal of 
the Eomans, who, being desirous of turning their undivided 
attention towards Carthage, had made peace with Philip v 205), 
secured for a few years the tranquillity of Greece. It also raised 
the fame of Philopcemen to its highest point ; and in the next 
Xemean festival, being a second time general of the league, he 
was hailed by the assembled Greeks as the liberator of their 
country. 

Upon the conclusion of the second Punic war the Eomans re- 
newed their enterprises in Greece, and declared war against Philip 
(b.c. 200). For some time the war lingered on without any decided 
success on either side : but in 198 the consul T. Quinctius Flami- 



B.C. 197. 



BATTLE OF CYNOSCEPHALiE. 



219 



ninus succeeded in gaining over the Achaean league to the Eoman 
alliance ; and as the JEtolians had previously deserted Philip, both 
those powers fought for a short time on the same side. In 197 the 
struggle was brought to a termination by the battle of Cynoscephalae, 
near Scotussa, in Thessaly, which decided the fate of the Macedo- 
nian monarchy. Philip was obliged to sue for peace, and in the 
following year (196) a treaty was ratified by which the Macedonians 
were compelled to renounce their supremacy, to withdraw their 
garrisons from the Grecian towns, to surrender their fleet, and to 
pay 1000 talents for the expenses of the war. At the ensuing 
Isthmian games Flaminmus solemnly proclaimed the freedom of 
the Greeks, and was received by them with overwhelming joy and 
gratitude. 

The iEtolians, dissatisfied with these arrangements, persuaded 
Antiochus III., king of Syria, .to enter into a league against the 
Eomans. He passed over into Greece with a wholly inadequate 
force, and was defeated by the Eomans at Thermopylae (b.c. 191). 
The iEtolians were now compelled to make head against the 
Eomans by themselves. After some ineffectual attempts at resist- 
ance they were reduced to sue for peace, which they at length 
obtained, but on the most humiliating conditions (b.c. 189). They 
were required to acknowledge the supremacy of Eome, to renounce 
all the conquests they had recently made, to pay an indemnity of 
500 talents, and to engage in future to aid the Eomans in their wars. 
The power of the JEtolian league was thus for ever crushed, 
though it seems to have existed, in name at least, till a much later 
period. 

The Achaean league still subsisted, but was destined before long 
to experience the same fate as its rival. At first, indeed, it enjoyed 
the protection of the Eomans, and even acquired an extension of 
members through their influence, but this protectorate involved a 
state of almost absolute dependence. Philopoemen also had suc- 
ceeded, in the year 192, in adding Sparta to the league, which now 
embraced the whole of Peloponnesus. But Sparta having displayed 
symptoms of insubordination, Philopoemen marched against it in 
188, and captured the city ; when he put to death eighty of the 
leading men, razed the walls and fortifications, abolished the insti- 
tutions of Lycurgus, and compelled the citizens to adopt the demo- 
cratic constitution of the Achaeans. Meanwhile the Eomans 
regarded with satisfaction the internal dissensions of Greece, which 
they foresaw would only render her an easier prey, and neglected 
to answer the appeals of the Spartans for protection. In 183 the 
Messenians, under the leadership of Dinocrates, having revolted 
from the league, Philopoemen, who had now attained the age 



220 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap XXI. 



of 70, led an expedition against them ; but having fallen from 
his horse in a skirmish of cavalry, he was captured, and conveyed 
with many circumstances of ignominy to Messene, where, after a 
sort of mock trial, he was executed. His fate was avenged by 
Lycortas, the commander of the Achaean cavalry, the father of the 
historian Polybins. 

In b.c. 179 Philip died, and was succeeded by his son Perseus, 
the last monarch of Macedonia. The latter years of the reign of 
Philip had been spent in preparations for a renewal of the war, 
which he foresaw to be inevitable ; yet a period of seven years 
elapsed after the accession of Perseus before the mutual enmity of 
the two powers broke out into open hostilities. The war was 
protracted three years without any decisive result ; but was 
brought to a conclusion in 168 by the consul L. ^Emilius 
Paulus, who defeated Perseus with great loss near Pydna. Perseus 
was carried to Eome to adorn the triumph of Paulus (167), and was 
permitted to spend the remainder of his life in a sort of honourable 
captivity at Alba. Such was the end of the Macedonian empire, 
which was now divided into four districts, each under the juris- 
diction of an oligarchical council. 




Coin of Perseus, king of Hacedonia 



The Eoman commissioners deputed to arrange the affairs of 
-Macedonia did not confine their attention to that province, but 
evinced then design of bringing all Greece under the Eoman 
sway. In these views they were assisted by various despots and 
traitors in different Grecian cities, and especially by Callicrates. a 
man of great influence among the Achaeans, and who for many 
years lent himself as the base tool of the Eomans to effect the 
enslavement of his country. After the fall of Macedonia, Calli- 
crates denounced more than a thousand leading Achaeans who 
had favoured the cause of Perseus. These, among whom was 
Polybins the historian, were apprehended and sent to Eome for 
trial. A still harder fate was experienced by iEtolia, Bceotia, 
Acarnania, and Epirus. In the last-named country, especially, no 



B.C. 146. 



GREECE A ROMAN PROVINCE. 



221 



fewer than seventy of the principal towns were abandoned by Paulus 
to his soldiers for pillage, and 150,000 persons are said to have been 
sold into slavery. 

A quarrel between the Achaeans and Sparta afforded the Eomans 
a pretence for crashing the small remains of Grecian independence 
by the destruction of the Achaean league. 

The Spartans, feeling themselves incompetent to resist the 
Achseans, appealed to the Eomans for assistance ; and in 147 two 
Eoman commissioners were sent to Greece to settle the disputes 
between the two states. These commissioners decided that not 
only Sparta, but Corinth, and all the other cities, except those 
of Achaia, should be restored to their independence. This decision 
occasioned serious riots at Corinth, the most important city of the 
league. All the Spartans in the town were seized, and even the 
Eoman commissioners narrowly escaped violence. On their return 
to Eome a fresh embassy was despatched to demand satisfaction for 
these outrages. But the violent and impolitic conduct of Critolaiis, 
then Strategus of the league, rendered all attempts at accom- 
modation fruitless, and after the return of the ambassadors the 
Senate declared war against the league. The cowardice and 
incompetence of Critolaiis as a general were only equalled by 
his previous insolence. On the approach of the Eomans under 
Metellus from Macedonia he did not even venture to make a 
stand at Thermopylae ; and being overtaken by them near Scarphea 
in Locris, he was totally defeated, and never again heard of. 
Diaeus, who succeeded him as Strategus, displayed rather more 
energy and courage. But a fresh Eoman force under Mummius 
having landed on the isthmus, Diaeus was overthrown in a battle 
near Corinth ; and that city was immediately evacuated not only by 
the troops of the league, but also by the greater part of the 
inhabitants. On entering it Mummius put the few males who 
remained to the sword ; sold the women and children as slaves ; 
and having carried away all its treasures, consigned it to the flames 
(b.c. 146). Corinth was filled with masterpieces of ancient art ; 
but Mummius was so insensible to their surpassing excellence as 
to stipulate with those who contracted to convey them to Italy, 
that, if any were lost in the passage, they should be replaced by 
others of equal value ! Mummius then employed himself in 
chastising and regulating the whole of Greece ; and ten commis- 
sioners were sent from Eome to settle its future condition. The 
whole country, to the borders of Macedonia and Epirus, was formed 
into a Eoman province, under the name of Achaia, derived from 
that confederacy which had made the last struggle for its political 
existence. 




CHAPTER XXII. 

SKETCH OF THE HISTOEY OF GREEK LITEBATUBE FROM THE 
EARLIEST TIMES TO THE REIGN OF ALEXANDER THE GEE AT. 

The Greeks possessed two large eollections of epic poetry. The 
one comprised poems relating to the great events and enterprises 
of the Heroic age, and characterised by a certain poetical unity ; 
the other included works tamer in character and more desultory 
in then mode of treatment, containing the genealogies of men and 
gods, narratives of the exploits of separate heroes, and descriptions 
of the ordinary pursuits of life. The poems of the former class 
passed under the name of Homer; while those of the latter 
were in the same general >vay ascribed to Hesiod. The former 
were the productions of the Ionic and JEolic minstrels in Asia 
Minor, among whom Homer stood pre-eminent and eclipsed the 
brightness of the rest : the latter were the compositions of a school 
of bards in the neighbourhood of Mount Helicon in Beeotia, among 
whom in like manner Hesiod enjoyed the greatest celebrity. The 
poems of both schools were composed in the hexameter metre and 
in a similar dialect; but they differed widely in almost every 
other feature. 

Of the Homeric poems the Iliad and the Odyssey vere the most 
distinguished and have alone come down to us. The subject of the 
Iliad was the exploits of Achilles and of the other Grecian heroes 
before Ilium or Troy: that of the Odyssey was the wanderings and 
adventures of Odysseus or Ulysses after the capture of Troy on his 



Chap. XXII. 



POEMS OF HOMER. 



223 




return to his native island. Throughout the flourishing period of 
Greek literature these unrivalled works were universally regarded 
as the productions of a single mind ; but there was very little agree- 
ment respecting the place of the poet's birth, the details of his life, 
or the time in which he lived. Seven cities laid claim to Homer's 
birth, and most of them had legends to tell 
respecting his romantic parentage, his alleged 
blindness, and his life of an itinerant bard ac- 
quainted with poverty and sorrow. It cannot be 
disputed that he was an Asiatic Greek ; but this 
is the only fact in his life which can be regarded 
as certain. Several of the best writers of antiquity 
supposed him to have been a native of the island 
of Chios ; but most modern scholars believe 
Smyrna to have been his birthplace. His most 
probable date is about B.C. 850. 

The mode in which these poems were preserved Homer, 
has occasioned great controversy in modern times. 
Even if they were committed to writing by the poet himself, and were 
handed down to posterity in this manner, it is certain that they were 
rarely read. We must endeavour to realise the difference between 
ancient Greece and our own times. During the most flourishing 
period of Athenian literature manuscripts were indifferently written, 
without division into parts, and without marks of punctuation. They 
were scarce and costly, could be obtained only by the wealthy, and 
read only by those who had had considerable literary training. Under 
these circumstances the Greeks could never become a reading people ; 
and thus the great mass even of the Athenians became acquainted 
with the productions of the leading poets of Greece only by 
hearing them recited at their solemn festivals and on other public 
occasions. This was more strikingly the case at an earlier period. 
The Iliad and the Odyssey were not read by individuals in private^ 
but were sung or recited at festivals or to assembled companies. 
The bard originally sung his own lays to the accompaniment of his 
lyre. He was succeeded by a body of professional reciters, called 
Khapsodists, who rehearsed the poems of others, and who appear at 
early times to have had exclusive possession of the Homeric poems. 
But in the seventh century before the Christian era literary culture 
began to prevail among the Greeks; and men of education and 
wealth were naturally desirous of obtaining copies of the great poet 
of the nation. From this cause copies came to be circulated 
among the Greeks ; but most of them contained only separate 
portions of the poems, or single rhapsodes, as they were called. 
Pisistratus, the tyrant or despot of Athens, is said to have been the 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XXII. 



first person who collected and arranged the poems in their present 
form, in order that they might be recited at the great Panathenaic 
festival at Athens. 

Three works have come down to us hearing the name of Hesiod 
— the 'Works and Days,' the 'Theogony,' and a description of 
the • Shield of Hercules.' Many ancient critics believed the 
* Works and Days ' to be the only genuine work of Hesiod, and 
their opinion has been adopted by most modern scholars. We 
learn from this work that Hesiod was a native of Ascra, a village 
at the foot of Mount Helicon, to which his father had migrated 
from the ^Eolian Cyme in Asia Minor. He further tells us that he 
gained the prize at Chalcis in a poetical contest ; and that he was 
robbed of a fair share of his heritage by the unrighteous decision 
of judges who had been bribed by his brother Perses. The latter 
became afterwards reduced in circumstances, and applied to his 
brother for relief ; and it is to him that Hesiod addresses his 
didactic poem of the ' Works and Days,' in which he lays down 
various moral and social maxims for the regulation of his conduct 
and his life. It contains an interesting representation of the 
feelings, habits, and superstitions of the rural population of Greece 
in the earlier ages. Respecting the . date of Hesiod nothing 
certain can be affirmed. Modern writers usually suppose liini to 
have flourished two or three generations later than Homer. 

The commencement of Greek lyric poetry as a cultivated species 
of composition dates from the middle of the seventh century before 
the Christian era. Xo important event either in the public or 
private life of a Greek could dispense with this accompaniment ; 
and the lyric song was equally needed to solemnize the worship of 
the gods, to cheer the march to battle, or to enliven the festive 
board. The lyric poetry, with the exception of that of Pindar, has 
almost entirely perished, and all that we possess of it consists of a 
few songs and isolated fragments. 

The great satirist Aechilochus was one of the earliest and most 
celebrated of all the lyric poets. He was a native of the island of 
Pares, and flourished about the year 700 B.C. His fame rests 
chiefly on his terrible satires, composed in the Iambic metre, 
in which he gave vent to the bitterness of a disappointed man. 

Tyrt^eus and Aloiax were the two great lyric poets of Sparta, 
though neither of them was a native of Lacedaeinon. The personal 
history of Tyrtaeus, and his warlike songs, which roused the 
fainting courage of the Spartans during the second Messenian war, 
have already been mentioned (p. 25). Alcman was originally 
a Lydian slave in a Spartan family, and was emancipated by 
his master. He lived shortly after the second Messenian war His 



Chap. XXII. ARION — ALCjEUS — SAPPHO. 



225 



poems partake of the character of this period, which was one of 
repose and enjoyment after the fatigues and perils of war. Many 
of his songs celebrate the pleasures of good eating and drinking ; 
but the more important were intended to be sung by a chorus at 
the public festivals of Sparta. 

Arion was a native of Methymna in Lesbos, and lived some 
time at the court of Periander, tyrant of Corinth, who began to 
reign B.C. 625. Nothing is known of his life beyond the beautiful 
story of his escape from the sailors with whom he sailed from 
Sicily to Corinth. On one occasion, thus runs the story, Arion 
went to Sicily to take part in a musical contest. He won the prize, 
and, laden with presents, he embarked in a Corinthian ship to 
return to his friend Periander. The rude sailors coveted his trea- 
sures, and meditated his murder. After imploring them in vain to 
spare his life, he obtained permission to play for the last time on 
his beloved lyre. In festal attire he placed himself on the prow of 
the vessel, invoked the gods in inspired strains, and then threw 
himself into the sea. But many song-loving dolphins had assembled 
round the vessel, and one of them now took the bard on its back, 
and carried Mm to Tsenarum, from whence he returned to Corinth 
in safety, and related his adventure to Periander. Upon the arrival 
of the Corinthian vessel , Periander inquired of the sailors after 
Arion, who replied that he had remained behind at Tarentum ; but 
when Arion, at the bidding of Periander, came forward, the sailors 
owned their guilt, and were punished according to their desert. 
The great improvement in lyric poetry ascribed to Arion is the 
invention of the Dithyramb. This was a choral song and dance in 
honour of the god Dionysus, and is of great interest in the history 
of poetry, since it was the germ from which sprung at a later time 
the magnificent productions of the tragic Muse at Athens. 

Alc^us and Sappho were both natives of Mytilene, in the island 
of Lesbos, and flourished about b.c. 610-580. Their songs were 
composed for a single voice, and not for the chorus, and they were 
each the inventor of a new metre, which bears their name, and is 
familiar to us by the well-known odes of Horace. Their poetry was 
the warm outpouring of the writers' inmost feelings, and presents 
the ly$ic poetry of the JEolians at its highest point. 

Alcseus took an active part in the civil dissensions of his native 
state, and warmly espoused the cause of the aristocratical party, to 
which he belonged by birth. When the nobles were driven into 
exile, he endeavoured to cheer their spirits by a number of most 
animated odes, full of invectives against the popular party and its 
leaders. 

Of the events of Sappho's life we have scarcely any information ; 

Q 



226 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XXII. 



and the common story that, being in love with Phaon and finding 
her love unrequited, she leaped down from the Leucadian rock, 
seems to have been an invention of later times. 

Axacreox was a native of the Ionian city of Teos. He spent 
part of his life at Samos, under the patronage of Polycrates « and 
after the death of this despot he went to Athens at the invitation 
of Hipparchus. The universal tradition of antiquity represents 
Anacreon as a consummate voluptuary ; and his poems prove the 
truth of the tradition. His death was worthy of his life, if we may 
believe the account that he was choked by a grape- stone. 

SmoxiDES, of the island of Ceos, was born b.c. 556, and reached a 
great age. He lived many years at Athens, both at the court of 
Hipparchus, together with Anacreon, and subsequently under the 
democracy during the Persian wars. The struggles of Greece for 
her independence furnished him with a noble subject for his muse. 
He carried away the prize from JEschylus with an elegy upon the 
warriors who had fallen at the battle of Marathon. Subsequently 
we find him celebrating the heroes of Thermopylae, Artemisium, 
Salamis, and Plataea. He was upwards of 80 when his long poetical 
career at Athens was closed with the victory which he gained with 
the dithyrambic chorus in B.C. 477, making the 56th prize that 
he had carried oft. Shortly after this event he repaired to Syracuse 
at the invitation of Hiero. Here he spent the remaining ten years 
of his life, not only entertaining Hiero with his poetry, but in- 
structing him by his wisdom ; for Simonides was a philosopher as 
well as a poet, and is reckoned amongst the sophists. 

Pindar, though the contemporary of Simonides, was considerably 
jtg^^ his junior. He was born either at, or in the 
^(^fTp^^, neighbourhood of, Thebes in Boeotia, about 



£r - ■ . ^ states and princes of the Hellenic race to com- 

Pindar P ose cnora ^ £on o s - 2e was courted especially 

by Alexander, king of Macedonia, and by 
Hiero, despot of Syracuse. The praises which he bestowed upon 
Alexander are said to have been the chief reason which led his 
descendant, Alexander the Great, to spare the house of the poet 
when he destroyed the rest of Thebes. The estimation in which 



/ 




Chap. XXI] . PINDAR — HERODOTUS. 227 



Pindar -was held is also shown by the honours conferred upon 
him by the free states of Greece. Although a Theban, he was 
always a great favourite with the Athenians, whom he fre- 
quently praised in his poems, and who testified their gratitude by 
making him their public guest, and by giving him 10,000 drachmas. 
The only poems of Pindar which have come down to us entire 
are his Epinicia or triumphal odes, composed in commemoration of 
victories gained in the great public games. But these were only 
a small portion of his works. He also wrote hymns, paeans, dithy- 
rambs, odes for processions, songs of maidens, mimic dancing 
songs, drinking songs, dirges, and encomia, or panegyrics on 
princes. 

The Greeks had arrived at a high pitch of civilization before 
they can be said to have possessed a History, The 
first essays in literary prose cannot be placed earlier 
than the sixth century before the Christian sera ; 
but the first writer who deserves the name of an 
historian is Herodotus, hence called the Father 
of History. Herodotus was born in the Dorian 
colony of Halicarnassus in Caria, in the year 484 
B.C., and accordingly about the time of the Persian 
expeditions into Greece. He resided some years 
in Samos, and also undertook extensive travels, of 
winch he speaks in his work. There was scarcely 
a town in Greece or on the coasts of Asia Minor with 
which he was not acquainted ; he had explored 
Thrace and the coasts of the Black Sea ; in Egypt he had penetrated 
as far south as Elephantine ; and in Asia he had visited the cities of 
Babylon, Ecbatana, and Susa. The latter part of his life was spent 
at Thurii, a colony founded by the Athenians in Italy in- b.c. 443. 
According to a well-known story in Lucian, Herodotus, when he 
had completed his work, recited it publicly at the great Olympic 
festival, as the best means of procuring for it that celebrity to which 
he felt that it was entitled. The effect is described as immediate 
and complete. The delighted audience at once assigned the names of 
the nine Muses to the nine books into which it is divided. A still 
later author (Suidas) adds, that Thucydides, then a boy, was present 
at the festival with his father Olorus, and was so affected by the 
recital as to shed tears ; upon which Herodotus congratulated 
Olorus on having a son who possessed so early such a zeal for 
knowledge. But there are many objections to the probability of 
these tales. 

Herodotus interwove into his history all the varied and extensive 
knowledge acquired in his travels, and by his own personal re- 

Q 2 




HPo^otoC 



228 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XXIi. 




searches. But the real subject of the work is the conflict between 
the Greek race, in the widest sense of the term, and including the 
Greeks of Asia Minor, with the Asiatics. Thus the historian had 
a vast epic subject presented to him, which was brought to a 
natural and glorious termination by the defeat of the Persians in 
their attempts upon Greece. The work concludes with the reduc- 
tion of Sestos by the Athenians, b.c. 478. Herodotus wrote in the 
Ionic dialect, and his style is marked by an ease and simplicity 
which lend it an indescribable charm. 

Thucydides, the greatest of the Greek historians, was an Athe- 
nian, and was bom in the year 471 B.C. His family 
was connected with that of Miltiades and Cimon. 
He possessed gold-mines in Thrace, and enjoyed 
great influence in that country. He commanded 
an Athenian squadron of seven ships at Thasos, in 
424 b.c, at the time when Brasidas was besieging 
AinphipoHs ; and having failed to relieve that city 
in time, he went into a voluntary exile, in order 
probably to avoid the punishment of death. He 
appears to have spent 20 years in banishment, 
principally in the Peloponnesus, or in places under 
the dominion or influence of Sparta. He perhaps 
rtracydides. returned to Athens in b.c. 403, the date of its libera- 
tion by Thrasybulus. According to the unanimous testimony of anti- 
quity he met with a violent end, and it seems probable that he was 
assassinated at Athens, since it cannot be doubted that his tomb 
existed there. From the beginning of the Peloponnesian war he had 
designed to write its history, and he employed himself in collecting 
materials for that purpose during its continuance ; but it is most 
likely that the work was not actually composed till after the 
conclusion of the war, and that he was engaged upon it at the time 
of his death. The first book of his History is introductory, and 
contains a rapid sketch of Grecian history from the remotest times 
to the breaking out of the war. The remaining seven books are 
filled with the details of the war, related according to the division 
into summers and winters, into which all campaigns naturally fall ; 
and the work breaks off abruptly in the middle of the 21st year of 
the war (b.c. 411). The materials of Thucydides were collected 
with the most scrupulous care; the events are related with the 
strictest impartiality ; and the work probably offers a more exact 
account of a long and eventful period than any other contemporary 
history, whether ancient or modern, of an equally long and important 
sera. The style of Thucydides is brief and sententious, and whether 
in moral or political reasoning, or in description, gains wonderful 



Chap. XXII. THUCYDIDES — XENOPHON. 



229 



force from its condensation. But this characteristic is sometimes 
carried to a faulty extent, so as to render his style harsh, and his 
meaning obscure. 

Xenophon, the son of Gryllus, was also an Athenian, and was 
probably born about b.c. 444. He was a pupil of Socrates, who 
saved his life at the battle of Delium (b.c. 424). His accompanying 
Cyrus the younger in his expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, 
king of Persia, formed a striking episode in his life, and has been 
recorded by himself in his Anabasis. He seems to have been still 
in Asia at the time of the death of Socrates in 399 b.c, and was 
probably banished from Athens soon after that period, in conse- 
quence of his close connexion with the Lacedaemonians. He ac- 
companied Agesilaus, the Spartan king, on the return of the latter 
from Asia to Greece ; and he fought along with the Lacedemo- 
nians against his own countrymen at the battle of Coronea in 
394 b.c. After this battle he went with Agesilaus to Sparta, and 
soon afterwards settled at Scillus in Elis, near Olympia. He is 
said to have lived to more than 90 years of age, and he mentions an 
event which occurred as late as 357 b.c. 

Probably all the works of Xenophon are still extant. The 
Anabasis is the work on which his fame as an historian chiefly rests. 
It is written in a simple and agreeable style, and conveys much 
curious and striking information. The Hellenica is a continuation 
of the history of Thucydides, and comprehends in seven books a 
space of about 48 years ; namely, from the time when Thucydides 
breaks orT, B.C. 411, to the battle of Mantinea in 362. The subject 
is treated in a very dry and uninteresting style ; and his evident 
partiality to Sparta, and dislike of Athens, have frequently warped 
his judgment, and must cause his statements to be received with 
some suspicion. The Cyropsedia, one of the most pleasing and 
popular of his works, professes to be a history of Gyrus, the founder 
of the Persian monarchy, but is in reality a kind of political romance, 
and possesses no authority whatever as an historical work. The 
design of the author seems to have been to draw a picture of a 
perfect state ; and though the scene is laid in Persia, the materials 
of the work are derived from his own philosophical notions and the 
usages of Sparta, engrafted on the popularly current stories re- 
specting Cyrus. Xenophon displays in this work his dislike of 
democratic institutions like those of Athens, and his preference for 
an aristocracy, or even a monarchy. Xenophon was also the author 
of several minor works ; but the only other treatise which we need 
mention is the Memorabilia of Socrates, in four books, intended as a 
defence of his master against the charges which occasioned his 
death, and which undoubtedly contains a genuine picture of Socrates 



230 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XXII. 



and his philosophy. The genius of Xenophon was not of the highest 
order ; it was practical rather than speculative ; hut he is distin- 
guished for Ms good sense, his moderate views, his humane temper, 
and his earnest piety. 

The Drama pre-eminently distinguished Athenian literature. 
The democracy demanded a literature of a popular kind, the 
vivacity of the people a literature that made a lively impression ; 
and both these conditions were fulfilled by the drama. But 
though brought to perfection among the Athenians, tragedy 
and comedy, in then- rude and early origin, were Dorian inven- 
tions. Both arose out of the worship of DionJ'sus. There was 
at first but little distinction between these two species of the 
drama, except that comedy belonged more to the rural cele- 
bration of the Dionysiac festivals, and tragedy to that in cities. 
The name of tragedy was far from signifying any thing mournful, 
being derived from the goat-like appearance of those who, disguised 
as Satyrs, performed the old Dionysiac songs and dances. In like 
manner, comedy was called after the song of the band of revellers 
who celebrated the vintage festivals of Dionysus, and vented the 
rude merriment inspired by the occasion in jibes and extempore 
witticisms levelled at the spectators. Tragedy, in its more perfect 
form, was the offspring of the dithyrambic odes with which that 
worship was celebrated. These were not always of a joyous cast. 
Some of them expressed the sufferings of Dionysus ; and it was 
from this more mournful species of dithyramb that tragedy, properly 
so called, arose. The dithyrambic odes formed a kind of lyrical 
tragedy, and were sung by a chorus of fifty men, dancing round 
the altar of Dionysus. The improvements in the dithyramb 
were introduced by Arion at Corinth ; and it was chiefly among 
the Dorian states of the Peloponnesus that these choral dithy- 
rambic songs prevailed. Hence, even in Attic tragedy, the chorus, 
which was the foundation of the drama, was written in the Doric 
dialect, thus clearly betraying the source from which the Athenians 
derived it. 

In Attica an important alteration was made in the old tragedy in 
the time of Pisistratus, in consequence of which it obtained a new 
and dramatic character. This innovation is ascribed to Thespis, a 
native of the Attic village of Icaria, B.C. 535. It consisted in the 
introduction of an actor for the purpose of giving rest to the chorus. 
Thespis was succeeded by Chcerilus and Phrynichiis, the latter of 
whom gained his first prize in the dramatic contests in 511 B.C. 
The Dorian Pratinas, a native of Phlius, but who exhibited 
his tragedies at Athens, introduced an improvement in tragedy 
by separating the Satyric from the tragic drama. As neither the 



Chap. XXII. 



.ESCHYLUS. 



231 



popular taste nor the ancient religious associations connected witb 
the festivals of Dionysus would have permitted the chorus of 
Satyrs to be entirely banished from the tragic representations, 
Pratinas avoided this by the invention of what is called the Satyric 
drama • that is, a species of play in which the ordinary subjects of 
tragedy were treated in a lively and farcical manner, and in which 
the chorus consisted of a band of Satyrs in appropriate dresses 
and masks. After this period it became customary to exhibit 
dramas in tetralogies, or sets of four; namely, a tragic trilogy, 
or series of three tragedies, followed by a Satyric play. These 
were often on connected subjects ; and the Satyric drama at 
the end served like a merry after-piece to relieve the minds of the 
spectators. 

The subjects of Greek tragedy were taken, with few exceptions, 
from the national mythology. Hence the plot and story were of 
necessity known to the spectators, a circumstance which strongly 
distinguishes the ancient tragedy from the modern. It must also 
be recollected that the representation of tragedies did not take 
place every day, but only, after certain fixed intervals, at the 
festivals of Dionysus, of which they formed one of the greatest 
attractions. During the whole day the Athenian public sat in the 
theatre witnessing tragedy after tragedy ; and a prize was awarded 
by judges appointed for the purpose to the poet who produced the 
best set of dramas. 

Such was Attic tragedy when it came into the hands of JEschy- 
lus, who, from the great improvements which he introduced, was 
regarded by the Athenians as its father or founder, just as Homer 
was of Epic poetry, and Herodotus of History. iEschylus was born 
at Eleusis in Attica in B.C. 525, and was thus contemporary with 
Simonides and Pindar. He fought with his brother Cynsegirus at 
the battle of Marathon, and also at those of Artemisium, Salamis, 
and Platsea. In B.C. 484 he gained his first tragic prize. In 468 he 
was defeated in a tragic contest by his younger rival Sophocles ; 
shortly afterwards he retired to the court of king Hiero, at Syracuse. 
He died at Gela, in Sicily, in 456, in the 69th year of his age. It is 
unanimously related that an eagle, mistaking the poet's bald head 
for a stone, let a tortoise fall upon it in order to break the shell, 
thus fulfilling an oracle predicting that he was to die by a blow 
from heaven. The improvements introduced into tragedy by 
iEschylus concerned both its form and composition, and its manner 
of representation. In the former his principal innovation was the 
introduction of a second actor ; whence arose the dialogue, properly 
so called, and the limitation of the choral parts, which now became 



232 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XXII. 



subsidiary. His improvements in the manner of representing 
tragedy consisted in the introduction of painted scenes, drawn 
according to the rules of perspective. He furnished the actors with 
more appropriate and more magnificent dresses, invented for them 
more various and expressive masks, and raised their stature to the 
heroic size by providing them with thick-soled cothurni or buskins. 
iEschylus excels in representing the superhuman, in depicting 
demigods and heroes, and in tracing the irresistible march of 
fate. His style resembles the ideas which it clothes : it is bold, 
sublime, and full of gorgeous imagery, but sometimes borders on 
the turgid. 

Sophocles, the younger rival and immediate successor of iEschy- 
lus in the tragic art, was born at Colonus, 
a village about a mile from Athens, in B.C. 
495. We have already adverted to his wrest- 
ing the tragic prize from iEschylus in 468, 
from which time he seems to have retained 
the almost undisputed possession of the Athe- 
nian stage, until a young but formidable rival 
arose in the person of Euripides. The close 
of his life was troubled with family dissen- 
sions. Iophon, his son by an Athenian wife* 
and therefore his legitimate heir, was jealous 
of the affection manifested by his father for his 
grandson Sophocles, the offspring of another 
son, Ariston, whom he had had by a Sicyonian woman. Fearing 
lest his father should bestow a great part of his property upon his 
favourite, Iophon summoned him before the Phratores, or tribesmen, 
on the ground that his mind was affected. The old man's only 
reply was — " If I am Sophocles I am not beside myself ; and if I 
am beside myself I am not Sophocles." Then taking up his 
CSdipus at Colonus, which he had lately written, but had not yet 
brought out, he read from it a beautiful passage, with which 
the judges were so struck that they at once dismissed the case. He 
died shortly afterwards, in B.C. 406, in his 90th year. As a poet 
Sophocles is universally allowed to have brought the drama to the 
greatest perfection of which it is susceptible. His plays stand in 
the just medium between the sublime but unregulated flights 
of iEschylus, and the too familiar scenes and rhetorical decla- 
mations of Euripides. His plots are worked up with more skill and 
care than the plots of either of his great rivals. Sophocles added 
the last improvement to the form of the drama by the introduction^ 
of a third actor ; a change which greatly enlarged the scope of the 




Chap. XXII. SOPHOCLES— EURIPIDES — ARISTOPHANES. 233 



action. The improvement was so obvious that it was adopted by 
iEschylus in his later plays ; but the number of three actors seems 
to have been seldom or never exceeded. 

Euripides was born in the island of Salamis, in e.g. 480 his 
parents having been among those who fled thither 
at the time of the invasion of Attica by Xerxes. ^^Plfe^ 
He studied rhetoric under Prodicus, and physics J)fP 7 ij&i 
under Anaxagoras, and he also lived on intimate 
terms with Socrates. In 441 he gained his first W^i&MW 
prize, and he continued to exhibit plays until ^^M^SS^ 
408, the date of his Orestes. Soon after this he "✓V^^^^re^ 
repaired to the court of Macedonia, at the in vita- \ ^y-m\ 
tion of king Archelaus, where he died two years V £Y?ir ,iAiir jptl 

afterwards at the age of 74 (b.c. 40G). Common ^ : 

report relates that he was torn to pieces by the Euripides, 
king's dogs, which, according to some accounts, 
were set upon him by two rival poets out of envy. In treating his 
characters and subjects Euripides often arbitrarily departed from 
the received legends, and diminished the dignity of tragedy by 
depriving it of its ideal character, and by bringing it down to the 
level of every-day life. His dialogue was garrulous and colloquial, 
wanting in heroic dignity, and frequently frigid through misplaced 
philosophical disquisitions. 5Tet in spite of all these faults Euripides 
has many beauties, and is particularly remarkable for pathos, so 
that Aristotle calls him "the most tragic of poets." 

Comedy received its full development at Athens from Cratinus, 
who lived in the age of Pericles. Cratinus, and his younger 
contemporaries, Eupolis and Aristophanes, were the three great 
poets of what is called the Old Attic Comedy. The comedies 
of Cratinus and Eupolis are lost ; but of Aristophanes, who was the 
greatest of the three, we have eleven dramas extant. Aristophanes 
was born about 444 b.c. Of his private life we know positively 
nothing. He exhibited his first comedy in 427, and from that time 
till near his death, which probably happened about 380, he was a 
frequent contributor to the Attic stage. The Old Attic Comedy was 
a powerful vehicle for the expression of opinion ; and most of the 
comedies of Aristophanes turned either upon political occurrences, 
or upon some subject which excited the interest of the Athenian 
public. Their chief object was to excite laughter by the boldest 
and most ludicrous caricature ; and provided that end was attained 
the poet seems to have cared but little about the justice of the 
picture. Towards the end of the career of Aristophanes the 
unrestricted licence and libellous personality of comedy began 
gradually to disappear. The chorus was first curtailed and then 



234 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXII. 

entirely suppressed, and thus made way for what is called the 
Middle Comedy, which had no chorus at all. The latter still 
continued to be in some degree political ; but persons were no 
longer introduced upon the stage under their real names, and the 
office of the chorus was very much curtailed. It was, in fact, the 
connecting link between the Old Comedy and the New, or the 
Comedy of Manners. The New Comedy arose after Athens had 
become subject to the Macedonians. Politics were now excluded 
from the stage, and the materials of the dramatic poet were 
derived entirely from the fictitious adventures of persons in private 
life. The two most distinguished writers of this school were 
Philemon and Mexander. Philemon was probably bom about the 
year 360 B.C., and was either a Cilician or Syracusan, but came at 
an early age to Athens. He is considered as the founder of the 
New Comedy, which was soon afterwards 
brought to perfection by his younger con- 
temporary Menander. The latter was an 
Athenian, and was born in B.C. 342. He 
was drowned at the age of 52, whilst 
swimming in the harbour of Piraeus. He 
wrote upwards of 100 comedies, of which 
only fragments remain ; and the unani- 
mous praise of posterity awakens our 
regret for the loss of one of the most 
elegant writers of antiquity. The come- 
dies, indeed, of Plautus and Terence may 
give us a general notion of the New 
Menander. Comedy of the Greeks, from which they 

were confessedly drawn ; but there iff 
good reason to suppose that the works even of the latter Roman 
writer fell far short of the wit and elegance of Menander. 

The latter days of literary Athens were chiefly distinguished by 
the genius of her Orators and Philosophers. There were ten Attic 
orators, whose works were collected by the Greek grammarians, 
and many of whose orations have come down to us. Their names 
are Antiphon, Andocides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isseus, iEschines, Ly- 
curgus, Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Dinarchus. Axtiphon, the 
earliest of the ten, was born b.c. 480. He opened a school of 
rhetoric, and numbered among his pupils the historian Thucydides. 
Antiphon was put to death in 411 b.c. for the part which he took 
in establishing the oligarchy of the Four Hundred. 

Andocides, who was concerned with Alcibiades in the affair of 
the Hermae, was bom at Athens in b.c. 467, and died probably 
about 391. 




Chap. XXII. ISOCRATES — JSSCH1NES — DEMOSTHENES. 235 



Lysias, also born at Athens in 458, was much superior to Ando- 
cides as an orator, but being a metic, or resident alien, he was not 
allowed to speak in the assemblies or courts of justice, and therefore 
wrote orations for others to deliver. 

Isocrates was born in 436. After receiving the instructions of 
some of the most celebrated sophists of the day, he became himself 
a speech-writer and professor of rhetoric ; his weakly constitution 
and natural timidity preventing him from taking a part in public 
life. He made away with himself in 338, after the fatal battle 
of Chaeronea, in despair, it is said, of his country's fate. He 
took great pains with his compositions, and is reported to have 
spent ten, or, according to others, fifteen years over his Panegyric 
oration. 

Is^us flourished between the end of the Peloponnesian war aud 
the accession of Philip of Macedon. He opened a school of 
rhetoric at Athens, and is said to have numbered Demosthenes 
among his pupils. The orations of Isseus were exclusively judicial, 
and the whole of the eleven which have come down to us turn on 
the subject of inheritances. 

iEscmNES was born in the year 389, and he was at first a violent 
anti-Macedonian ; but after his embassy along with Demosthenes 
and others to Philip's court, he was the constant advocate of 
peace. Demosthenes and iEschines now became the leading 
speakers on their respective sides, and the heat of political 
animosity soon degenerated into personal hatred. In 343 Demo- 
sthenes charged iEschines with having received bribes from Philip 
during a second embassy; and the speech in which he brought 
forward this accusation was answered in another by iEschines. 
The result of this charge is unknown, but it seems to have 
detracted from the popularity of iEschines. We have already 
adverted to his impeachment of Ctesiphon, and the celebrated reply 
of Demosthenes in his speech de Corona (p. 202). After the 
banishment of iEschines on this occasion (b.c. 330), he employed 
himself in teaching rhetoric at Ehodes. He died in Samos in 314. 
As an orator he was second only to Demosthenes. 

Of the life of his great rival, Demosthenes, we have already 
given some account (p. 178). The verdict of his contemporaries, 
ratified by posterity, has pronounced Demosthenes the greatest 
orator that ever lived. The principal element of his success must 
be traced in his purity of purpose, which gave to his arguments all 
the force of conscientious conviction. The effect of his speeches 
was still further heightened by a wonderful and almost magic 
force of diction. The grace and vivacity of his delivery are attested 
by the well-known anecdote of iEschines, when he read at Ehodes 



236 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XXII 



his speech against Ctesiphon. His audience having expressed their 
surprise that he should have been defeated after such an oration : 
"You would cease to wonder," he remarked, "if you had heard 
Demosthenes." 

The remaining three Attic orators, viz. Lycurgus, Hyperides, 
and Dinarchus, were contemporaries of Demosthenes. Lyeurgus 
and Hyperides both belonged to the anti-Macedonian party, and 
were warm supporters of the policy of Demosthenes, pinarchus, 
who is the least important of the Attic orators, survived Demo- 
sthenes, and was a friend of Demetrius Phalereus. 

The history of Greek Philosophy, like that of Greek poetry and 
history, began in Asia Minor. The earliest philosopher of dis- 
tinction was Thales of Miletus, who was born about b.c. 640, and 
died in 550, at the age of 90. He was the founder of the Ionic 
school of philosophy, and to him were traced the first beginnings of 
geometry and astronomy. The main doctrine of his philosophical 
system was, that water, or fluid substance, was the single original 
element from which everything came and into which everything 
returned. Anaximander, the successor of Thales in the Ionic 
school, lived from B.C. 610 to 547. He was distinguished for his 
knowledge of astronomy and geography, and is said to have been 
the first to introduce the use of the sun-dial into Greece. Anaxi- 
menes, the third in the series of the Ionian philosophers, lived a 
little later than Anaximander. He endeavoured, like Thales, to 
derive the origin of all material things from a single element ; and, 
according to his theory, air was the source of life. 

A new path was struck out by Anaxagoras of Clazomense, the 
most illustrious of the Ionic philosophers. He came to Athens in 
480 b.c, where he continued to teach for thirty years, numbering 
among his hearers Pericles, Socrates, and Euripides. He abandoned 
the system of his predecessors, and, instead of regarding some 
elementary form of matter as the origin of all things, he conceived 
a supreme mind or intelligence, distinct from the visible world, to 
have imparted form and order to the chaos of nature. These 
innovations afforded the Athenians a pretext for indicting Anaxa- 
goras of impiety, though it is probable that his connexion with 
Pericles was the real cause of that proceeding (see p. 80). It was 
only through the influence, and eloquence of Pericles that he was 
not put to death ; but he was sentenced to pay a fine of five talents 
and quit Athens. The philosopher retired to Lampsacus, where he 
died at the age of 72. 

The second school of Greek philosophy was the Eleatic, which 
derived its name from Elea or Yelia, a Greek colony on the 
western coast of Southern Italy. It was founded by Xeno- 



Chap. XXII. 



PYTHAGORAS — PLATO. 



237 



phanes of Colophon, who fled to Elea on the conquest of his 
native land by the Persians. He conceived the whole of nature to 
be God. 

The third school of philosophy was the Pythagorean, founded by 
Pythagoras. He was a native of Samos, and was born about B.C. 
580. His father was an opulent merchant, and Pythagoras himself 
travelled extensively in the East. He believed in the transmigra- 
tion of souls ; and later writers relate that Pythagoras asserted that 
his own soul had formerly dwelt in the body of the Trojan Euphor- 
bus, the son of Panthous, who was slain by Menelaus, and that 
iu proof of his assertion he took down, at first sight, the shield 
of Euphorbus from the temple of Hera (Juno) at Argos, where 
it had been dedicated by Menelaus. Pythagoras was distinguished 
by his knowledge of geometry and arithmetic ; and it was probably 
from his teaching that the Pythagoreans were led to regard 
numbers in some mysterious manner as the basis and essence of all 
things. He was however more of the religious teacher than of the 
philosopher ; and he looked upon himself as a being destined by 
the gods to reveal to his disciples a new and a purer mode of life. 
He founded at Croton in Italy a kind of religious brotherhood, the 
members of which were bound together by peculiar rites and 
observances. Everything done and taught in the fraternity was 
kept a profound secret from all without its pale. It appears that 
the members had some private signs, like Freemasons, by which 
they could recognise each other, even if they had never met before. 
His doctrines spread rapidly over Magna Grsecia, and clubs of a 
similar character were established at Sybaris, Metapontum, Taren- 
tum, and other cities. 

At Athens a new direction was given to the study of philosophy 
by Socrates, of whom an account has been already given (pp. 138- 
140). To his teaching either directly or indirectly may be traced 
the origin of the four principal Grecian schools : the Academicians, 
established by Plato ; the Peripatetics, founded by his pupil Ari- 
stotle ; the Epicureans, so named from their master Epicurus ; and 
the Stoics, founded by Zeno. 

Plato was born at Athens in 429 B.C., the year in which Pericles 
died. His first literary attempts were in poetry; but his atten- 
tion was soon turned to philosophy by the teaching of Socrates, 
whose lectures he began to frequent at about the age of twenty. 
From that time till the death of Socrates he appears to have 
lived in the closest intimacy with that philosopher. After that 
event Plato withdrew to Megara, and subsequently undertook 
some extensive travels, in the course of which he visited Cyrene, 
Egypt, Sicily, and Magna Grsecia. His intercourse with the elder 



238 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



Chap. XXII. 



and the younger Dionysius at Syracuse has been already related 
(p. 172). His absence from Athens lasted about twelve years; 
on his return, being then upwards of forty, he began to teach in 
the gymnasium of the Academy. His doctrines were too recondite 
for the popular ear, and his lectures were not very numerously 
attended. But he had a narrower circle of devoted admirers and 
disciples, consisting of about twenty-eight persons, who met in his 
private house; over the vestibule of which was inscribed — "Let 
no one enter who is ignorant of geometry." The most distin- 
guished of this little band of auditors were Speusippus, his nephew 
and successor, and Aristotle. He died in 347, at the age of 81 or 
82, and bequeathed his garden to his school. 

Aristotle was born in 384 B.C., at Staglra, a seaport town 
of Chalcidice, whence he is frequently called the Stagirite. At the 
age of 17, Aristotle, who had then lost both father and mother, 
repaired to Athens. Plato considered him his best scholar, and 
called him "the intellect of his school." Aristotle spent twenty 
years at Athens, during the last ten of which he established 
a school of his own. In 342 he accepted the invitation of Philip of 
Macedon to undertake the instruction of his son Alexander. In 
335, after Alexander had ascended the throne, Aristotle quitted 
Macedonia, to which he never returned. He again took up Ins 
abode at Athens, where the Athenians assigned him the gymnasium 
called the Lyceum; and from his habit of delivering his lectures 
whilst walking up and down in the shady walks of this place, his 
school was called the peripatetic. In the morning he lectured 
only to a select class of pupils, called esoteric. His afternoon 
lectures were delivered to a wider circle, and were therefore called 
exoteric. It was during the thirteen years in which he presided 
over the Lyceum that he composed the greater part of his works, 
and prosecuted his researches in natural history, in which he was 
most liberally assisted by the munificence of Alexander. The 
latter portion of Aristotle's life was unfortunate. He appears to 
have lost from some unknown cause the friendship of Alexander ; 
and, after the death of that monarch, the disturbances whicli 
ensued in Greece proved unfavourable to his peace and security. 
Being threatened with a prosecution for impiety, he escaped from 
Athens and retired to Chalcis ; but he was condemned to death in 
his absence, and deprived of all the rights and honours which 
he had previously enjoyed. He died at Chalcis in 322, in the 63rd 
year of his age. 

Of all the philosophical systems of antiquity, that of Aristotle 
was best adapted to the practical wants of mankind. It was 
founded on a close and accurate observation of human nature 



Chap. XXII. 



ARISTOTLE — EPICURUS — ZENO. 



239 



and of the external world ; but whilst it sought the practical 
and useful, it did not neglect the beautiful and noble. His 
works consisted of treatises on natural, moral, and political philo- 
sophy, history, rhetoric, criticism, &c. ; indeed there is scarcely a 
branch of knowledge which his vast and comprehensive genius did 
not embrace. 

Epicurus was born at Samos in 342, and settled at Athens at 
about the age of 35. Here he purchased a garden, where he 
established his philosophical school. He taught that pleasure 
is the highest good; a tenet, however, which he explained and 
dignified by showing that it was mental pleasure that he intended. 
The ideas of atheism and sensual degradation with which the name 
of Epicurus has been so frequently coupled are founded on igno- 
rance of his real teaching. But as he denied the immortality of 
the soul, and the interference of the gods in human affairs, — though 
he held their existence, — his tenets were very liable to be abused 
by those who had not sufficient elevation of mind to love virtue for 
its own sake. 

Zeno was a native of Citium in the island of Cyprus, and settled 
at Athens about b.c. 299. Here he opened a school in the Poacile 
Stoa, or painted porch, whence the name of his sect. He inculcated 
temperance and self-denial, and his practice was in accordance with 
his precepts. 




APIZT" 



Aristotle 



' 240 



INDEX. 



ABEOCOMAS. 

A. 

Abrocomas, 144. 
Academy, the, 96, 23Z. 
Acarnania, 2. 
Acha?ans, 5. 
Achaean league, 214. 
Achaeus, 5. 
Achaia, 3, 18. 
, a Soman province, 

221. 
Acharnse, ico. 
Achelous, 2. 
Achilles.. 7. 
Achradina, 122. 
Acropolis, Athenian, 85, 

89. 

Adimantus. 03. 
Adrnetus, 73. 
Aeetes. 7. 

jEgaleos, Mt., Xerxes at, 

64. 
JEgeus, 6. 

^Egina described, 55. 
^Egospotami, battle of, 133. 
iEgyptus, 5. 
iEolians, 5. 
iEolns, 4. 

iEschines accuses Demo- 
sthenes. 232; retires to 
Rhodes, ib. ; account of 
his life, 23$. 

JEschvlus, account of, 23 r. 

JEtolia, 2. 

.Etolians reduced, 219. 

Agamemnon, 5, 7. 

Agesilaus becomes king j 
of Sparta, 149 : charac- 
ter. \b. ; his expedition 1 
against the Persians. 
151; attacks Ph:>roaba- j 
zns, ib. ; routs the Per- 
sians on the Pactolus, 
152 ; recalled, ib. ; home- 
ward march, 154; in- 
vades Boeotia, 163 ; saves : 
Sparta. 167 ; expedition j 
to Egypt, 170; death, ib. ; 

Aeesipolis, 153 ; death, 459. ' 

Agis, IX}, 149- 

IV., 215. 



ALEXANDER. 

Agnon, 79. 
Agora, 9. 

, Athenian, 96. 

Agagentum, 42. 
Aleaeus, 225. 

Alcibiades, character of, 
112 : deceives the Spar- 
tan ambassadors, ib. ; at 
Olympia, 113 ; in Sicily, 
114; accused of mutilat- 
ing the Hernia?, 115 ; ar- 
rest and escape of, ib. ; 
condemned, ib. ; goes to 
Sparta, 116: excites a re- 
volt of the Chians, 123 ; 
dismissed by the Spar- 
tans, 124; flies to Tissa- j 
phernes, ib. ; intrigues 
of, ib. ; proceedings at 
Samos, 126; arrested by 
Tissaphemes, 127 ; de- 
feats the Peloponnesians , 
at Cyzicus, ib. ; returns j 
to Athens, 128: dis- j 
missed from the com- | 
mand of the Athenian \ 
fleet, 1 30; flies to Phar- j 
nabazus, murdered, 136. j 

AlcmasonidaB banished, 31. 

Alcman, 224. 

Alexander of Pbera?. i63 ; 
defeated by Pelopidas, 
169 ; subdued, ib. 

Alexander the Great, 182 ; 
education, i3;: acces- 
sion, ib. ; overawes the 
Thebans and Athenians, 
184; generalissimo a- 
gainst Persia, ib. ; inter- 
view with Diogenes, 10. ; 
expedition against the 
Thracians, &rc, ib. ; re- 
duces the Thebans to 
obedience, 185; demands 
the Athenian orators, 
ib. ; crosses to Asia, 
186 ; forces the passage 
of the Granicus, 187 ; 
progress through Asia 
Elinor,?'?).; cuts the Gor- 
dian knot, 188: danger- 
ous illness, ib. ; defeats 



AMYKTAS. 

the Persians at Issus. 
189 ; march through 
Phoenicia, 190; besieges 
Tyre, 191 ; answer to 
Parmenio, proceeds 
to Egypt, ib. ; visits the 
temple of Amnion, 192 ; 
defeats Darius in the 
battle of Arbela, 193 ; 
enters Babylon, ib. : 
seizes Susa, 19*4 ; marches 
to Persepolis, ib. : pur- 
sues Darius, 195; in- 
vades Hyrcania, ib. ; en- 
ters Bactria, 196; de- 
feats the Scythians, ib. ; 
marries Roxana, ib. ; 
kills Clitus, 197; plot of 
the pages against his life, 
ib. ; crosses the Indus, 
ib. ; vanquishes Poms, 
ib. ; marches homewards, 
198; peril among the 
]\Iaili, ib. : arrives at 
the Indian Ocean, 199 ; 
march through Gedro- 
sia, ib. ; marries Statira, 
ib. ; quells a mutiny at 
Opis, ib. ; solemnises 
the festival of Diony- 
sus at Ecbatana, 200; 
his ambitious projects, 
ib. ; death, 201 ; charac- 
ter, ib. ; estimate of his 
exploits, ib. ; funeral, 
206. 

Alexander, son of Alexan- 
der the Great, 206, 209 

Alexandria Ariorum, 195. 

Alexandria in Egypt, 
founded, 192 ; descrip- 
tion of, ib. 

Alpheus, 3. 

Amnion, Jove, 192. 

Amphipolis, 79, 176. 

Amphictyonic council, itf. 
origin and constitution, 
12. 

Amphictyons, decree of 
the, at the end of the 
sacred war, 180. 

Amyntas, 160. 



INDEX. 



241 



ANACREON. 

Anacreon, 226. 
Anactorium, 44. 
Anaxagoras, 236 ; charged 

with impiety, 80. 
Anaximander, 236. 
Anaximenes, 236. 
Andocides, 234. 
Aniceris, 172. 
Antalcidas, peace of, 159. 
Antigonias, Athenian tribe, 

210. 

Antigonus, 206 ; coalition 
against, 209; assumes 
the title of king, 210; 
slain, 211. 

Antigonus Doson, 216. 

Antigonus Gonatas, 214. 

Antioch, founded by Se- 
leucus, 211. 

Antiochus, 130. 

Antiochus Soter, 213. 

Antiochus III., 219. 

Antipater defeats the Spar- 
tans, 202 ; defeated at 
the Spercheus, 204 ; 
overthrows the allied 
Greeks at Crannon, ib. ; 
demands the Athenian 
orators, 205 ; declared 
regent, 207 ; death, ib. 

Antiphon, orator, 234. 

Anytus, 140. 

Apaturia, festival of, 132. 
Apollonia, 44. 
Aratus, 215. 
Arbela, battle of, 193. 
Arcadia, 3. 

Arcadian confederation, 

167. 
Archelaus, 175. 
Archias, 161. 

Archidamus, 100 ; besieges 
Platsea, 103. 

Archilochus, 224. 

Archon, Athenian, 29, 30. 

Areopagus reformed by Pe- 
ricles, 76 ; hill of, 96. 

Arginusae, battle of, 131. 

Argolis, 3. 

Argonauts, 7. 

Argos, 3, 5, 18; head of a 
new confederacy, 1 1 1 . 

Ariadne, 6. 

Arieeus, 145. 

Arion, 225. 

Aristagoras,48. 

Aristides, character of, 55 ; 
organizes tbe confede- 
racy of Delos, 71 ; change 
in his views, 72; death, 
74- 



ATHENIANS. 
Aristodemus of Messenia, 
24- 

Aristophanes, account of, 
233. 

Aristomenes of Messenia, 
25. 

Aristotle, 183 ; account of, 
238. 

Arsinoe, 212. 

Artaphernes, 48, 51. 

Artaxerxes, 74, i4i. 

Artemisia, her prowess, 64. 

Artemisium, battle of, 62. 

Asia Minor, Greek colo- 
nies in, 18. 

Aspasia, 79. 

Asty, the, 87. 

Athena, 2 ; statue of, 92. 

Athenians, divided into 
four classes, 32; assist 
the Ionians, 49 ; war 
with iEgina, 55 ; aban- 
don Athens, 62 ; con- 
stitution more demo- 
cratic, 72 ; form an alli- 
ance with Argos, 76; 
assist Inarus, 77 ; con- 
quer Boeotia, ib. ; reduce 
iEgina, ib. ; lose their 
power in Bceotia, ib. ; 
despotic power of, ib. ; 
make peace with Persia, 
ib. ; conclude a thirty 
years' truce with Sparta, 
78 ; subjugate Samos, 
81 ; form an alliance with 
Corcyra, ib. ; their allies 
and resources in the Pe- 
loponnesian war, 99 ; 
their fleet annoys the 
Peloponnesus, 100 ; their 
decree against the Myti- 
leneans, 104 ; take Pylus, 
106; expedition against 
Bceotia, 1 08 ; peace of Ni- 
cias, 110; refuse to eva- 
cuate Pylus, in ; treaty 
with Argos, 112 ; con- 
quer Melos, 113 ; mas- 
sacre the inhabitants, 
ib. ; interfere in Sicilian 
affairs, 114; expedition 
to Sicily, 115 ; send a 
fresh fleet to Sicily, 119 ; 
defeated at sea by the 
Syracusans, 121 ; retreat 
from Syracuse, ib. • gain 
a naval victory at Cy- 
nossema, 127 ; at Aby- 
dus, ib. ; at Cyzicus, 1 28 ; 
totally defeated at iEgos- 



BOULE. 

potami, 133 ; ally them- 
selves with Thebes, 153 ; 
form a league with Co- 
rinth and Argos against 
Sparta, ib. ; head of a new 
confederacy, 162 ; declare 
war against Sparta, ib. ; 
peace with Sparta, 164 ; 
form an alliance with 
the Peloponnesian states, 
167 ; send an embassy 
to Persia, 168; deceived 
by Philip, 176; send a 
fleet to relieve Byzan- 
tium, 181 ; their alarm 
at the approach of Philip, 
ib. ; prostrated by the 
battle of Chasronea, ib. 

Athens, its origin, 5, 6; 
early constitution of, 29 ; 
taken by the Persians, 
63 ; second occupation 
of, by the Persians, 67 ; 
rebuilding of, 69 ; inci- 
pient decline of, 77 ; 
crowded state of, during 
the Peloponnesian war, 
100 ; plague at, 101 ; 
invested by the Pelo- 
ponnesians, 134 ; sur- 
render of, ib. ; demo- 
cracy restored at, 138; 
description of the city, 
85; origin of its name, 
86; rebuilt, 87; walls, 
ib. ; harbours, 88 ; 
streets, &c, ib . ; long 
walls rebuilt, 157; cap- 
tured by Demetrius, 211. 

Athos, Mount, canal at, 57. 

Attic tribes, four, 29 ; in- 
creased to ten, 36. 

Attica, 2 ; early history of, 
28 ; three factions in, 31. 



B. 

Babylon submits to Alex 

ander, 194. 
Barbarian, meaning of the 

term, 11. 
Barca, 44. 

Belus, temple of, 193. 
Bessus, 195 ; put to death, 
196. 

Bceotarchs restored, 162. 
Bceotia, description of, 2. 
Bosporus, Athenian toll at 

the, 128. 
Boule, 9. 

K 



242 



INDEX. 



BRASIDAS. 

Brasidas, 109 ; his expe- 
dition into Thrace, ib. ; 
death, no. 

Brennus, 214. 

Bucephala, fonnded by 
Alexander. 198. 

Byzantines, erect a statue 
in honour of Athens, 181. 

Byzantium, 44 ; taken by 
the Athenians, 70; be- 
sieged by Philip, 181. 



c. 

Cadmea, or Theban citadel, 
seized by the Spartans, 
160; recovered, 162. 

Cadmus, 5. 

Callias, peace of, 164. 

Caliicrates, 220. 

Callicratidas, 130. 

Callippus, 173. 

Callixenus, 132. 

Cambunian mountains, 1. 

Cambyses, 46. 

Carduchi, 147. 

Caryatides, 94. 

Carthaginians invade Si- 
cily, 66, 171. 

Caspian gates, 195. 

Cassander, 208 ; establishes 
an oligarchy at Athens, 
ib. ; takes "Pydna, ib. ; 
kills Eoxana and her son, 
209. 

Catana, surprised by the 

Athenians, 115. 
Cecropidas, 36. 
Cecrops, 5. 

Celts invade Macedonia, 
213. 

Cephissus, the, 86. 

Ceramicus, the, 96. 

Chabrias, 162. 

Chaerephon, 139. 

Chferonea, second battle 
of, i3i. 

Chalybes, the, 148. 

Charon of Thebes, 161. 

Chryselephantine statu- 
ary, 92. 

Cimon, son of Miltiades, 
72 ; assists the Lacedae- 
monians, 75 ; banished, 
76; his sentence revoked, 
77; expedition to Cy- 
prus and death, ib. ; his 
patronage of art, 88. 

Cirrhaean plain, 14. 

Clearchus, 142, 145. 



CRETE. 

Cleombrotus invades Boe- 
otia, 165 ; slain, ib. 

Cleomenes, 36, 37. 

Cleon, 101 : character of, 
104 ; his violence, 107 ; 
his expedition against 
Sphacteria, ib. ; to 
Thrace, 109 ; flight and 
death, no. 

Cleophon, 128. 

CierueM, 38, 79. 

Clisthenes, 35 ; his re- 
forms, 36 ; their effect, 38. 

Clitus, saves Alexander's 
life, 187; killed by Alex- 
ander, 197. 

Codras, death of, 29. 

Colchians, the, 148. 

Colonies, G-reek, 39 ; rela- 
tion to the mother coun- 
try, ib. ; how founded, 
ib. ; mostly democratic, 
ib. ; in Asia Minor, 40 ; 
in Sicily, 42 ; in Italy, 
ib. ; in Gaul and Spain, 
44 ; in Africa, ib. ; in 
the Ionian Sea, ib. ; in 
Macedonia and Thrace, 
ib. ; progress of, 79. 

Comedy, old Attic, 233 ; 
new, 234- 

Conon, supersedes Alcibi- 
ades, 130 ; defeated by 
Callicratidas, 131; ac- 
cepts the command of 
the Persian fleet, 150; 
defeats the Spartan fleet 
at Cnidus, 1 54 ; reduces 
the Spartan colonies, 
157 ; rebuilds the long- 
walls of Athens, ib. 

Corcyra, 44; troubles in, 
105. 

Coreyraeans, quarrel with 
Corinth, 8r ; send an em- 
bassy to Athens, ib. 

Corinth, battle of, 154; 
congress at, 184 ; de- 
stroyed by Mummius, 
221. 

Corinthian gulf, 2. 
. Corinthian war, 153. 
Corinthians assist the Epi- 

damnians, 81. 
Coronea, battle of, 154. 
Corupedion, battle of, 213. 
Cranai, 86. 

Crannon, battle of, 204. 
Craterus, 200. 
Cratinus, 233. 
Crete, 3. 



DEMETRIUS. 

Crimesus, battle of, 174. 
Critias, 135; slain, 1 ? 7. 
Crito, 140. 
Critolaus, 221. 
Croesus, 45 ; fall of, 46. 
Croton, 42. 
Cumae, 41. 
Cyclades, 3. 

Cylon, conspiracy of, 30. 
Cynoscephalae, battle of, 

169. 
Cyrene, 44. 

Cyrus, empire of, 46 ; cap- 
tures Sardis, ib. 

Cyrus the younger, arrives 
on the coast, 129; his 
expedition against his 
brother Artaxerxes, 141 ; 
march, 142 ; slain, 145. 

Cyzicus, 127 ; recovered by 
the Athenians, 128. ' 



D. 

Danae, 5. 
Dan'ai, 5. 
Danaus, 5. 

Darius, 47 ; Thracian ex- 
pedition of, ib. ; extorts 
the submission of the 
Macedonians, 43 ; death, 
56. 

Darius Codomanus, de- 
feated by Alexander at 
Issus, 189; overthrown 
by Alexander at Arbela, 
193 ; murdered, 195. 

Datis, 51. 

Decarchies, Spartan, 149. 
Decelea, 119. 

Delium, Athenian expedi- 
tion against, 109; battle 
of, ib. 

Delos, confederacy of, 71. 
Delphi, temple of, 12; 

oracle, 15 ; taken by the 

Phocians, 177. 
Demades, 205. 
Demaratus, 60. 
Demetrias, Athenian tribe, 

210. 

Demetrius of Phalerus, 
208 ; character of, 209 : 
retires to Thebes, 2ro. 

Demetrius Poliorcetes, 209; 
besieges Salamis, 210; 
besieges Rhodes, ib. ; 
takes Athens, 211 ; king 
of Macedon, ib. ; death, 
212 



INDEX. * 



243 



DEMIURGI. 
Demiurgi, 7. 

Demosthenes, general, 105, 
108. 

Demosthenes, orator, ac- 
count of, 178 ; Philippics, 
first, 179; Olynthiacs, 
ib. ; fights at Chaaronea, 
181 ; his conduct after 
Philip's death, 184 ; pro- 
poses religious honours 
for Philip's assassin, 
ib. ; exertions to rouse 
Greece, 185 ; embassy to 
Alexander, ib. ; accused 
by iEschines— speech on 
the Crown, 202 ; con- 
demned of corruption, 
203 ; recalled from exile, 
204; demanded by An- 
tipater, 205 ; escapes to 
Calaurea, ib. ; death, ib. ; 
character as an orator, 
235- 

Dercyllidas, 150. 

Diacrii, 31. 

Diasus, 221. 

Dicasteries, 76. 

Dinarchus, 236. 

Diogenes, his interview 
with Alexander, 184. 

Dion, exiled, 172; takes 
Syracuse, ib. ; assassin- 
ated, 173. 

Dionysius the elder, tyrant 
of Syracuse, 171 ; death 
and character, 172. 

Dionysius the younger, 
172; expelled by Dion, 
ib. ; retires to Corinth, 
174. 

Dionysus, theatre of, at 

Athens, 95. 
Diopithes, 180. 
Dithyramb, invention of 

the, 22 5 ; the source of 

tragedy, ib. 
Dorcis, 71. 

Dorians, 5 ; in Pelopon- 
nesus, 17 ; migrations of 
the, ib. ; three tribes of, 
20. 

Doris, 2. 

Dorus, 4. 

Draco, laws of, 30. 
E. 

Ecclesia, the, 37. 

-^gypt> its influence on 

Greece, 5. 
Elis, 3. 



GORDIAN. 

Epaminondas, 161 ; his 
character, 163 ; embassy 
to Sparta, 164 ; military 
genius of, 165; defeats 
the Spartans at Leuctra, 

166 ; invades Laconia, 

167 ; establishes the Ar- 
cadian confederation, and 
restores the Messenians, 
167-8 ; saves the Theban 
army, 169; rescues Pe- 
lopidas, ib.; last inva- 
sion of Peloponnesus, 
1 70 ; death of, ib. 

Ephesus, 41. 

Ephialtes, 60. 

Ephialtes (the friend of 
Pericles), 76. 

Ephors, 21; power of the, ib. 

Epicurean sect, 237. 

Epicurus, 239. 

Epidamnus, 44, 81. 

Epimenides, 31. 

Epipolaa, 117. 

Epirus, 2. 

Erechtheum, 93. 

Eubosa, 3 ; revolt from 
Athens, 78 ; second re- 
volt of, 126. 

Euclides, archon, 138. 

Eumenes, 206. 

Eumenides ofiEschylus,76. 

Eumolpidae, 115. 

JSupatridce, 7 ; nature of 
their government, 30. 

Euphrates, surveyed by 
order of Alexander, 200. 

Euripides, account of, 233 ; 
character as a poet, ib. 

Eurybiades, 59. 

Eurotas, 3. 

Eurystheus, 6. 

Evagoras, 151. 

F. 

Flaminius, T. Q., 219. 

' Four Hundred,' conspi- 
racy of the, 125; put 
down, 127. 



G. 

Galaiia, 214. 

Gaugamela, battle of (v. 

Arbela). 
Gelon of Syracuse, 58, 66. 
Geomori, 7, 29. 
Gevusia, Spartan, 21. 
Gordian knot, the, 188. 



HIPPARCHUS. 

GranTcus, battle of the, 
187. 

Greece, form of, 1 ; physi- 
cal features, 3 ; reduced 
to a Koman province, 
221. 

Greek language, 1 1 ; his- 
tory, early, ib. 

Greeks, character of the, 
3 ; causes which united 
them, 11 ; disunion of, 
on the approach of 
Xerxes, 58 ; celebrate 
the battle of Salamis, 
64; expedition of the 
Ten Thousand, 142 ; re- 
treat of, 147; arrive at 
the Euxine, 148 ; at By- 
zantium, ib. 

Gylippus arrives in Sicily, 
118 ; captures the fort of 
Labdalum, ib. 



H. 

Hamilcar, 66. 
Hannibal, 218. 
Harmodius and Aristogi- 

ton, conspiracy of, 35, 
Harmosts, Spartan, 149, 
Harpagus, 46. 
Harpalus, 202. 
Hecataeus, 49. 
Helen, 7. 
Heliaea, 37. 
Hellanodicoa, 13 
Hellas, 2. 
Hellen, 4. 
Hellenes, 2. 
Hellenotamiae, 71. 
Hellespont, bridge over 

the, 57. 
Helots, condition of, 20 

revolt of, 75. 
Hephaestion, marries Dry- 

petis, 199 ; death, 200. 
Heraclidse, return of the, 

17. 

Hercules, 6. 

Herman, mutilated, 114. 
Hermolaus, 197. 
Herodotus, 227 ; account of 

his work, ib. 
Heroes, 6. 

Heroic age, 9 ; manners 

of, ib. 
Hesiod, 222. 
Hiero of Syracuse, 226. 
Hipparchus, assassinated, 

35- 

R 2 



244 



INDEX 



HIPPIAS. 

Hippias, 35 : expelled from 

Athens, 36. 
Histia?us of Miletus, 48 ; 

crucified, 50. 

• - rise of, 22". 
Homer, 222 ; his identity, 

223; date, ib. 
Homeric poems, their va- 

x .ue, 9 ; preservation of, 

223 ; arranged by Pisis- 

tratus, ib. 
Hyperides, 203, 236. 
Hyphasis, the, 198. 



Ilissus, 85. 
Ion, 5. 

Ionia, subjugated by the 
Persians, 51. 

Ionians, 5 ; four tribes 0?, 
29 ; revolt of the, 49 ; de- 
fection from Sparta, 71. 

Ionic migration, 18. 

Iophon, 232. 

Iphitus, 13. 

IpMcrates, tactics of, 1 58 ; 

successes of, ib. 
Ipsus, battle of, 210. 
Ira, fortress of, 25. 
Isaus, 235. 
Isagoras, 36. 
Esmenias, t63, 169. 
Isocrates, 235. 
Issus, battle of, 189. 
Isthmian games, 14. 
Ithome, Mount, 25, i63. 



Jason, 7. 

Jason of Pheras, 166; as- 
sassinated, 167. 

K 

Knigbts, Athenian, 32. 
L. 

Lacedgemonians(i\ Sparta). 

Lachares, 211. 

Laconia, 3 ; reduced by the 

Spartans, 24; northern 

frontier of, 26. 
Lade, battle of, 50. 
Lamaohus, 1 14. 
Lamian war, 204. 
Larnpsacus, t j j. 
Larissa. 14-. 



MARATHON. 

Laurium, silver-mines at, 
55- 

L^onidas, 59 ; his death, 61. 
Leonnatus, 204. 
Leontiades, 160. 
Leotychides, 63. 
Leosthenes, 203. 
Leucas, 44. 

Leuctra. battle of, 165. 



NEODAMODES. 

Mardonius, 51 ; adroit flat- 
tery of, 65 ; negotiations 
with the Athenians, 66; 
marches against Athens, 
67; retreats, ib.; death, 
68. 

Massalia, 44. 
Medea, 7. 
Medes, the, 45. 



Literature, Greek, history Medon, first Athenian ar- 



of, 222. 
Locrians, 2. 
Locris, 2. 

Long walls, Athenian, 83 ; 

rebuilt, 157. 
Lycabettus, 85. 
Lyceum, 96. 
Lyeon. 140. 

Lycurgus (legislator), 19. 
Lycurgus (orator), 236. 
Lydian monarchy, 45. 
Lyric poetry, 224 ; occa- 
sions of, ib. ; develop- 
ment of, 226. 
Ly sander, appointed Xa- 
varchus, 129; intrusted 
by Cyrus with his sa- 
trapy, 132 ; his proceed- 
ings after the victory of 
^gospotami, 133 ; block- 
ades Piraeus, 134; takes 
possession of Athens, 
ib. ; establishes the 
Thirty Tyrants, 135 



chon, 29. 
Megabazus, 47, 48. 
Megacles. 32. 

Megalopolis founded, 167; 

battle of, 202. 
Megara revolts from 

Athens, 78; complains 

of Athens, 82. 
Megaris, 2. 
Meicart, 190. 
Meletus, 140. 
Melos, 113. 
Menander, 234. 
Menelaus, 7. 
Menon, 147. 
Messene founded, 168. 
Messenia, 3. 

Messenian war, first, 24; 
second, 25; third, 75. 

Messeiiians conquered by 
the Spartans, 24; sub- 
jugated, 26. 

Mespila, 147. 

Metellus, 221. 



triumph, ib. ; honours, I Miletus, fall of, 5c. 
137 ; re-enters Athens, ' Miltiades, 52 ; accusation 
13 3 ; his ambitious and death of, 55 
schemes, 150 ; despatched ; Mindarus, 127. 
to the Hellespont, 151; j Minos, 6. 7. 
expedition into Bceotia, J Minotaur, 6. 



slain, ib. 
Lysias, 255. 

. ; :iiUS, 2c6, 

slain, 213. 



M. 



Macedonia, description of, 
i-5. 

Macedonian empire, parti- 
tion of, 206 ; overthrow, 

220. 

Macedonians, their origin, 
175- 

Macrones, the, 148. 
Magna Gracia, 42. 
Malli. the, 198. 
Mantinea, battle of, 113; 

third battle of, 218. 
Marathon, battle of, 53. 



Morea, 2. 
Mummius, 221 ; his igno- 
rance of art, ib. 
Munychia, 88. 
Museum, 86. 
Mycale, battle of, 63. 
Mycenae, 5 ; ruins of, 10. 
Mytilene', naval engage- 
ment at, 131. 
Mytileneans, revolt of the, 
I03 ; capitulate, ib. 

N. 

Xaxos, Spartan expedition 

against, 48. 
Xeapolis, 117. 
Xearchus, voyage of, 199. 
Xemean games, 14. 
Xeodani'xles, 151. 



INDEX. 



245 



NICvEA; 

Nicasa, founded by Alex- 
ander, 198. 

Nicias, 107; concludes a 
peace with Sparta, no ; 
appointed commander in 
Sicily, 114; his dilatory 
proceedings there, 118; 
desponding situation of, 
119; indecision, ib. ; 
surrender, 122 ; death, 
ib. ; character, ib. 

Nike Apteros, temple of, 
88. 

Nineveh, 147. 
Nobles, 9. 

0. 

GEnophyta, battle of, 77. 

Oligarchy, 27. 

Olympia, 3. 

Olympiad, first, 4. 

Olympias murdered, 208. 

Olympic games, 12. 

Olynthiac orations of De- 
mosthenes, 179. 

Olynthian confederacy dis- 
solved, 160. 

Olynthus, 159 ; taken by the 
Spartans, 160. 

Onomarchus, 178. 

Opuntian Locrians, 153. 

Orators, Athenian, de- 
manded by Alexander, 
185 ; ten Attic, 234. 

Oratory, Greek, rise and 
progress of, 234. 

Orchomenos, 163. 

Ortygia, 116. 

Ostracism, introduced by 

Clisthenes, 37. 
Oxyartes, 196. 



P. 

Paches, 103, 104. 
Pamisus, river, 3. 
Pancratium, 14. 
Pangaeus, 177. 
Parali, 31. 
Paris, 7. 

Parmenio, 187 ; put to 
death by Alexander, 
196. 

Parnassus, Mount, 2. 
Parthenon, 90. 
Parysatis, queen, 146, 152. 
Pasargadae, 194. 
Paulus, Li. Mm., 220. 
Pausanias; king of Sparta, 



PERSIANS. 

vanity and treason of, 
71 ; recall and impeach- 
ment of, 72; conviction 
and death, ib. 
Pausanias (second), 137; 
expedition into Bceotia, 
153; condemned to death, 
ib. 

Pausanias assassinates Phi- 
lip, 182. 

Pedieis, 31. 

Pelasgians, 4. 

Pelopidas, character of, 
161 ; gains a victory at 
Tegyra, 163 ; subdues 
Alexander of Pherae, 168; 
imprisoned by Alexan- 
der, 169; defeats Alexan- 
der, ib. ; slain, ib. 

Peloponnesian confede- 
racy, meeting of, 82 ; 
decides for war against 
Athens, ib. ; war, com- 
mencement of, ib. ; in- 
vasion of Attica, 100; 
Thucydides' character of 
the war, 228. 

Peloponnesus, 2. 

Pelops, 5. 

Peneus, 2. 

Penj-ab, the, 197. 

Pentacosiomedimni, 32. 

Pentathlum, 14. 

Perdiccas, 82. 

Perdiccas (Alexander's ge- 
neral), 206; marches 
against Ptolemy, 207 ; 
assassinated, ib. 

PericLes, character of, 76; 
innovations of, ib. ; his 
administration, ib. ; re- 
duces Eubcea, 78 ; plans 
for adorning Athens, ib. ; 
pleads for Aspasia, 80; 
funeral oration by, 100 ; 
accused of peculation, 
1 01 ; death and character, 
102. 

Pericles, age of, character 
of art in, 88. 

Perinthus, siege of, 181. 

Periceci, 20. 

Peripatetics, 237. 

Persepolis, taken and burnt 
by Alexander, 194. 

Perseus, 220; defeated by 
the Romans, ib. 

Persians, 46 ; their cruel- 
ties towards the Ionic 
Greeks, 50 ; invade 
G reecc, 5 1 ; demand ! 



PHOCIANS. 

earth and water from 
the Grecian states, ib. ; 
second invasion of 
Greece, ib. ; land at 
Marathon, 52 ; third in- 
vasion of Greece, 57 ; 
their number under Xer- 
xes, ib. ; destruction of 
their fleet by a storm, 
61 ; their progress, 62 ; 
attack Delphi, 63 ; take 
Athens, ib. : retreat of, 
66. 

Phalanx, Macedonian, 176. 

Phalerum, 88. 

Phidias accused of pecula- 
tion, 80. 

Philemon, 234. 

Philip of Macedon, carried 
to Thebes as a hostage, 
168; education of, i76; 
character, ib.\ defeats the 
Illyrians, ib. ; takes Am- 
phipolis and Pydna, ib. ; 
takes part in the sacred 
war, 178 ; reduces Thes- 
saly, ib. ; expedition into 
Thrace, 180; takes Olyn- 
thus, 179; occupies Del- 
phi, 180; second expe- 
dition into Thrace, 181 ; 
compelled to evacuate 
the Chersonese, ib. ; de- 
feats the Thebans and 
Athenians at Chaeronea, 
ib. ; his conduct after 
the battle, 182 ; clemency 
towards Athens, ib. ; ap- 
pointed generalissimo 
against Persia, ib. ; assas- 
sinated, ib. ; character, ib. 

Philip IV., 211. 

Philip V., 216; assists the 
Achaians, 217 ; forms an 
alliance with Hannibal, 
218 ; defeated by the 
Romans, 219. 

Philip Arrhidagus, 206. 

Philippi founded, 177. 

Philippics of Demosthenes, 
178 ; first, 179. 

Philomelus, 177 ; slain, ib. 

Philopcemen, 218; takes 
Sparta, 219 ; taken and 
put to death, 220. 

Philosophy, Greek, origin 
of, 236 ; Ionic school of, 
ib. ; Eleatic school, ib. ; 
Pythagorean school, 237 \ 
various schools, ib. 

Phocians, 177. 



246 



INDEX. 



PHOCIOX. 

Phocion. 1 79 ; refuses Alex- 
ander's presents, i86; ac- 
cusation and death, 208. 

Phocis, 2. 

Phaebidas, i6d. 

Phoenicians, 5. 

Pmynichus, 126. 

Phrynichns (dramatist), 
account of, 230. 

PhyUidas, 161. 

Pinacotheca. 93. 

Pindar, account of, 226 ; 
his house spared by 
Alexander, 185, 

Pindus, Mount, 2. 

Piraeus fortified, 70. 

Pisa, 3. 

Pisander, 152. 

Pisisiraius, usurpation of, 
3 3 ; his stratagem, 34 ; 
death and character, 35. 

Plague at Athens, 101. 

Plaiiea, battle of, 67 : sur- 
prised, 82; besieged by 
the Peloponnesians, 103 ; 
surrenders, ib. ; destroy- 
ed, ib.; restored by the 
Lacedaemonians, 1 59 ; 
again destroyed by the 
Thebans, 164. 

Plataeans join the Athe- 
nians, 52. 

Plato visits Sicily, 172; 
sold as a slave, ib. ; 
second visit to Sicily, 
ib. ; Jife of, 237; phiio- 



Pleistt 
Pnvx. 



35, 9^- 



239- 



Polv 
Po'.V 



of Samos, 46. 
on, 207 : expe- 
dition to Peloponnesus, 
ib. 

Porus, 197. 

Potidsea, 176. 

Pratinas, 230. 

Propylaea, 90. 

Prytanies, 132. 

Ptolemy, 206 ; defeated at ; 

Salamis, 210. 
Ptolemy Ceraunus, 212, 213. | 
Ptolemy Philadelphus, 212. j 
Pydna,*2c8; battle of, 220. 1 
Pylon, ioit 1 
Pyrrhus, 211 ; becomes 

king of Macedonia, ib. 
Pythagoras, 42, 237. 



Pythia, 15. 
Pythian games, 14. 

B. 

Rhapsodists, 223. 

Ehegium, 42. 

Rhodes, 3 ; siege of, 210. 

Romans, direct their atten- 
tion towards Greece, 21 8 ; 
declare war against Phi- 
lip V., ib. ; proclaim the 
freedom of Greece, ib. ; 
declare war against Per- 
seus, 220. 

Roxana, married by Alex- 
ander, 196 ; murdered, 
209. 

s. 

Sacred Band, Theban, 162. 
Sacred war, 17-. 
Salamis, acquired by the 
Athenians, 31 : battle of, 

Salamis (in Cyprus), battle 
of, 210. 

Samos, revolt of, 81 ; sub- 
dued, xb. : its importance 
to Athens, 124; revolu- 
tions at, 126. 

Sappho, 225. 

Sardis, 45 ; burnt, 49. 

Scarphea, battle of, 221. 

Scione, 109. 

Scythini, the, 148. 

Seieucns, 207 ; founds An- 
tioch, 211; succeeds to 
the greater part of the 
Macedonian empire, 213 ; 
assassinated, ib. 

Sellasia, battle of, 216. 

Seiymbria, 44. 

Sestos, reduced by the 
Athenians, 68. 

Sicilian expedition, 114; 
termination of, 1 22. 

Simonides of Ceos, 226 

Sisygambis, 190. 

Slaves, 9. 

Social war, 177, ill effects 
of the, ib.; second, 217. 

Socrates, at Delium, 109 ; 
opposes the condemna- 
tion of the ten generals, 
132 ; sketch of his life, 
139; his teaching and 
method, ib. ; wisdom of, 
ib. ; unpopularity and 
indictment of, 140 ; con- 



SPORADES. 

demned, ib.\ refuses to 
escape, ib. ; death, ib. 
Sogdiana, fortress of, taken, 
196. 

Solon, 31 ; legislation of, 
„ 32. 

Sophocles, account of, 232 ; 
character as a poet, ib. 

Sparta, 1 8 ; landed pro- 
perty in, 23 ; earthquake 
at, 75 ; allies of in the 
Peioponnesian war, 99 ; 
league against, 1 53 : con- 
gress at, 164; rapid fall 
of, 167 ; taken by Anti- 
gonus I)o son, 216'; taken 
by Philopoemen, 219. 

Spartan constitution, 20 ; 
tribes, ib. ; education, 22 ; 
women, 23 ; money, ib. 

Spartans, make war on 
Arcadia, 24; alone re- 
tain their kings, 2*] ; 
overthrow the despots, 
28 ; conduct of, at Ther- 
mopylae, 6o ; selfish con- 
duct of, 62; dismiss the 
Athenians, 75 ; oppose 
the Athenians in Boeotia, 
7 7 ; invade Attica, 100 ; 
send an embassy to 
Athens, ib. : invade Ar- 
gos, 113 ; force the Ar- 
gives to an alliance, ib.; 
establish themselves at 
Decelea, 119; assist the 
Phocians against the 
Thebans, 15?; defeated 
at Haliartus, ib. ; pro- 
claim the independence 
of the Boeotian cities, 
159; garrison Orchome- 
nus and Thespia?, ib. ; 
assist Aniyntas against 
the Olynihians, 160 ; 
height of their power, 
ib. ; expelled from Boe- 
otia, 164; solicit the aid 
of the Athenians, 168; 
send an embassy to Per- 
sia, ib. ; excluded from 
the Amphictyonic coun- 
cil. 180 : attempt to throw 
off the Macedonian yoke, 
202 ; their decline and 
degradation, 215 ; call in 
the Romans, 221. 

Speusippus, 238. 

Spbacteria, blockaded, 106 ; 
captured, ic8. 

Sporades, 3. 



INDEX. 



247 



STATIRA. 

Statira, 190, 199 ; mur- 
dered by Roxana, 206. 
Stoics, 237. 

Strategi, Athenian, 101. 

Stratoniee, 211. 

Susa, treasures at, 194. 

Sybaris, its luxury, 42 ; 
destroyed, ib. 

Sybarites, 79. 

Syntaxis, the, 162. 

Syracusans, their vigorous 
defence, 116. 

Syracuse, 42 ; descrip- 
tion of, 117 ; naval battle 
at, 118 ; engagement in 
the Great Harbour of, 
121; constitution of, 171. 

Syssitia, 23. 



T. 

'Table Companions,' the, 

145. 
Taenarum, 3. 
Tarentum, 43. 
Taygetus, Mount, 3. 
Tempe, 2. 

"Ten Thousand," expedi- 
tion and retreat of the, 
142. 

"Ten Thousand," the Ar- 
cadian, 1 63. 
Thais, 194. 

Thales of Miletus, 236. 

Thasos, reduced, 75. 

Thebans, surprise Plataea, 
32 ; expel king Agis 
from Aulis, 151 ; invade 
Phocis, 153 ; form an 
alliance with Athens, 
ib. ; forced into the 
Lacedaemonian alliance, 
160 ; rise of their ascen- 
dency, 166 ; defeated by 
Alexander of Pherae, 
169 ; ally themselves 
with the Athenians 
against Philip, 181 ; 
humbled by Philip, 182 ; 
rise agai nst the Macedo- 
nians, 185. 

Thebes, 2 ; liberated from 
the Spartans, 162 ; de- 
clared head of Greece by 



TISSAPHERNES. 

the Persians, 169 ; de- 
stroyed, 185 ; restored 
by Cassander, 208. 

Themistocles, proposes a 
fleet, 55 ; his character, 
ib. ; his advice to fight 
at Salamis, 63 ; his stra- 
tagem to bring on an 
engagement, 64; his 
message to Xerxes, ib. ; 
rewarded by the Spar- 
tans, 66; his -views, 70; 
goes ambassador to 
Sparta, ib. ; corruption 
of, 73 ; ostracised, ib. ; 
flight, ib. ; reception in 
Persia, 74 ; death, ib. 

Theramenes, 126, 132, 135; 
his death, 136. 

Thermopylae, 2 ; pass of, 
58 ; battle of, 60. 

Thespis, 230. 

Theseum, the, 83. 

Theseus, 28. 

Thessaly, 2. 

Thesmothetae, 30. 

Thessalus, 115. 

Thetes, 9, 32, 73. 

Thimbron, 148, 150. 

Thirty years' truce, 78. 

Thirty Tyrants at Athens, 

135 ; proscription of the, 

1 36 ; defeated by Thra- 
sybulus, 137 ; deposed 
by the Spartans, 138. 

Thrasybulus, 126; takes 
Phyld, 137 ; seizes Pi- 
raeus, ib. ; defeats the 
Thirty, ib. 

Thrasyllus, 126. 

Thucydides (the histo- 
rian), in Thrace, 109 ; 
banished, ib. ; account 
of, 228 ; his history, ib. 

Thurii, 79. 

Timocrates, 152. 

Timoleon, character of, 
173 ; expedition to Si- 
cily, ib. ; defeats the 
Carthaginians, 174; be- 
comes a Syracusan citi- 
zen, ib. 

Timotheus, 162. 

Tiribazus, 158. 

Tissaphernes, 124, 1 27, 146 ; 



THE END. 



ZETJGIT.E. 

attacks the Ionian cities, 
150 ; beheaded, 152. 

Tithraustes, 152. 

Tolmides, 78. 

Torone, 109. 

Tragedy, Greek, origin of, 

230. 
Trapezus, 148. 
Triparadisus, treaty of, 

207. 
Trilogies, 231". 
Trojan expedition, 7. 
Troy captured, 8. 
Tyrant, value of the term, 

28. 

Tyre, besieged by Alex- 
ander, 191. 
Tyrtaeus, 25, 224. 

TJ. 

Ulysses, 7. 
Uxians, the, 194. 

X. 

Xanthippus, 55; recovers 
the Thracian Chersonese, 
68. 

Xenophanes, 237. 

Xenophon, account of, 229 ; 
his works, ib. ; accom- 
panies Cyrus, 142 ; sa- 
luted General of the Ten 
Thousand, 147 ; returns 
to Athens, 148 ; joins 
Agesilaus, ib. 

Xerxes, character of, 56 ; 
subdues Egypt, ib. ; 
marches towards Greece, 
57 ; reviews his troops, 
ib. ; crosses the Helles- 
pont, ib. ; number of his 
host, ib. ; takes Athens, 
63; his alarm and re- 
treat, 65. 

Xuthus, 4. 

z. 

Zaleucus, laws of, 42. 
Zea, 88. 
Zeno, 239. 
Zeugitce, 3 2. 



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